
Book S_5'4-\aJ 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS 

OF 

THE AMERICAN MUSEUM 
OF NATURAL HISTORY 

VOL. XVI, PART III 

THE SUN DANCE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS 

BY 

CLARK WISSLER 




NEW YORK 

PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES 
1918 



American ]Museiim of Natural History. 

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■C-onliiiueJ on Sii p. of covrr.) 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS 

OF 

THE AMERICAN MUSEUM 
OF NATURAL HISTORY 

VOL. XVI, PART in 

THE SUN DANCE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS 

BY 

CLARK WISSLER 




NEW YORK 

PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES 
1918 

Wonoerranh 



THE SUN DANCE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. 
By Clark Wissler. 



223 



Preface. 

The Blackfoot tribes, particularly the Piegan, have been more extensively 
studied than most other Plains Indians. The writer bejjan a systematic 
investigation of their culture in 1903. At that time, the only works treating 
them seriously were those of the younger Henry, Maximilian, and Grinnell. 
There were some good fragmentary articles by ^McLean and Hale. Yet, 
since we began work on this problem, a number of excellent books have 
appeared. First, the long-forgotten journals of Mathew Cocking and 
Anthony Hendry who went to the Blackfoot country in 1754 were printed. 
Then followed McCHntock's delightful book, "The Old North Trail" and 
later, Curtis's highly illustrated account of the Piegan. Linguistic studies 
had been undertaken by Tims, but later, ^Nlichelson, Uhlenbeck, and 
Josselin de Jong brought out studies of the language and some aspects 
of social organization. Of more popular books, the only one to be considered 
here is Schultz's, "My Life as an Lidian," which, though in the form of 
fiction, is full of true pictures of Blackfoot life and thought. One unfor- 
tunate thing about all this subsequent activity is that it centered on the 
Piegan and as the writer's work was largely with that division before these 
publications appeared, there was no chance to rectify this asymmetry. 

The publication of this study of the sun dance has been long delayed in 
the hope that circumstances would permit a more intensive study of the 
ceremony among the Canadian divisions. But the time for making such 
a study has really passed, since those natives who had the knowledge 
essential to an accurate exposition of the sun dance are now dead. It 
seems advisable, therefore, to publish the data as they stand. 

The writer saw the Piegan ceremony twice, so that this study is based 
both upon objective observation and discussion with the native authorities 
on the subject. Later, Mr. Duvall checked over the data and conclusions 
with these and other informants. A large series of photographs was taken, 
but the important phases of the ceremony are so well shown in the published 
works of McClintock and Curtis that a repetition here is unnecessary. 

Clark Wissler. 
May, 1918. 



225 



CONTEXTS. 



Preface 

The Sun Dance . 
Prep.aration Period 
Program by Days 

First Day 

Second Day 

Third Day 

Fourth Day 

Fifth Day 

Sixth Day 

Seventh Day 

Eighth Day 
The Vow 

Ceremony of the Tongues 
The Medicine Woman 
The Procession to the Dancing Lodg 

The Offering of Cloth 
The Hundred-Willow Sweathouse 
The "Dancing Lodge . 
Cutting the Thongs . 
Raising the Sun Pole 
The Weather Dancers 
Dancing 

Society Dances . 
The Torture Ceremony 
Sun Dance Songs 
The Sun Dance Camp 
Mythological Notes . 
The Blood and North Blackfoot 



Page. 
225 

229 
229 
230 
230 
230 
230 
230 
230 
231 
231 
231 
231 
234 
2-iO 
248 
249 
250 
252 
254 
256 
258 
260 
262 
262 
267 
268 
268 
270 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 
Text Figures. 
1. The Offering of Human Flesh. Drawn from a native sketch 



266 



1918.] Wissler, Blackfoot ^un Dance. 229 



The Sun Dance. 

In our earlier paper upon the l)un(lles of the Bhickfoot, we have coneerned 
ourselves with ceremonial functions in which the ownership and chief 
responsibility, in theory, rested in a single individual. ^Ye come now to an 
affair initiated, it is true, by the owner of the natoas bundle, })ut yet a 
composite of other rituals and functions, each of which has a definite place 
in a program carried out by the w'hole tribal organization. The only trace 
of a similar tribal participation is in the now almost extinct tobacco-planting 
ceremonies conducted by the beaver owners; but here there was no complex 
of other unrelated ceremonies and functions.- In short, the sun dance was 
for the Blackfoot a true tribal festival, or demonstration of ceremonial 
functions, in which practically every important ritual owner and organiza- 
tion had a place. Nevertheless, there were certain rituals peculiar to it 
which gave it its character. 

Since the plan of this section is to give an ethnological presentation of the 
Blackfoot sun dance, rather than a logically unfolding description of the 
ceremony as seen at a specified time, we shall present the general program 
now and take up later a somewhat analytical detailed discussion of the 
various phases of the ceremony. By this method, we shall be able to 
concentrate our attention upon a single ceremonial concept without the 
distraction arising from contemporaneous and intrusive procedures based 
upon other concepts, for as we shall see, this sun dance is a true gomposite. 
The following schedule is not given as the one observed by the writer, but 
as the one regarded as proper and believed to have been followed before the 
various divisions of the Blackfoot were under the complete domination of the 
Canadian and United States governments. 



Preparation Period. 

After making a vow to purchase a sun dance bundle, the woman and her 
liusband make the necessary arrangements and perform the prescribed rites. 
This is an indefinite period. At the approach of summer, the invitation 
tobacco is sent to all tlie bands and the camp circle is formed. 



230 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural History. [Vol. XYI, 



Program by Days. 

First Day. The program opens with moving camp to a site previously 
selected. On the morning of this day, the medicine woman begins to fast, 
which may be taken as the real beginning of the ceremony. If the ceremony 
of "cutting the tongues" has not been previously performed or completed, 
it is now in order. In any event, the father and any male assistants he may 
choose to invite, spend a part of the day in "praying and singing over the 
tongues." A society i)rings in willows and a hundred-willow sweathouse is 
built. 

Second Day. In the morning, the camp moves again to a site still 
nearer that proposed for the sun dance. A few green boughs of Cottonwood 
are kept around the base of the medicine woman's tipi as a sign of its sanctity. 
A sweathouse is made, as on the previous day. " Praying and singing over 
the tongues" continues during the day and evening. 

Third Day. The same as the second day. 

Fourth Day. The camp moves again; this time to the site of the sun 
dance. In the afternoon, the fourth and last hundred-willow sweathouse 
is built and used. The singing continues during the evening in the medicine 
woman's tipi. 

Fifth Day. This is an active day.^ The various bands cut and drag in 
the poles and green cotton wood boughs to be used in constructing the 
dancing lodge. The center, or sun pole, is selected and brought in with the 
ceremonies pertaining thereto. During the day, the holes for the posts are 
dug and the sides of the dancing lodge put in place and prepared for the 
raising at sunset. A wind-break is erected at the west side, facing the forked 
end of the sun pole. Later in the day, some medicinemen take up their 
stations here to receive offerings to the sun and place them on the pole. In 
the forenoon, the ceremony connected with the opening of the natoas 
bundle begins in the medicine woman's tipi. This is completed by the middle 
of the afternoon when there is a procession from the tipi to the wind-break 
facing the sun pole. The thongs for the poles are cut. While these are 
taking place, some food is distributed among the poor people. Those 
women, who, -during the past season, promised " to come forward to the 
tongues" now fulfil their vows by public declarations addressed to the 
setting sun. The pole raisers then approach from the four quarters, erecting 



' A.s in many other cases, there is a difterence of opinion as to wliat was, or is, tlie correct 
, schedule. Some maintain that the timber and sun pole are liroufiht in on the fourth day and 
the fifth day given over to the erection of the (lancing lod^^c only. This is, however, a matter 
of no great moment. 



1918.] Wisslcr, Bluckfuul Sun Dance. 231 

first the sun pole and then the rafters, with as much speed as possible. The 
medicine woman then returns to her tipi and the father with his male 
companions goes into a sweathouse. 

Sixth Day. In the morning, a booth is erected in the dancing lodge for 
the medicinemen, or weather dancers. Later in the day, they approach, 
with processions made up of their respective bands, and take their places 
in the booth. At various times during the day, they dance to the sun. 
People also come up to be painted and prayed for. As a rule, the medicine- 
pipes are brought out for these men to bless and smoke. During the after- 
noon, the "digging dance" occurs, when the fireplace is made and the fire 
kindled. 

Seventh Day. People still come to be painted or prayed for by the 
medicinemen. Later in the day, the dancing of the societies begins. 

Eighth Day. The dancing may continue on this day; otherwise, camp 
is broken and the bands go their several ways. The dancing may continue 
several days, there being no definite time for closing the ceremony. Indeed, 
to the Blackfoot mind, the really vital part of the ceremony closes on the 
evening of the fifth day. The dancing of the societies is free to take its 
course as the various organizations see fit. In former times, howe\'er, it 
was customary to break camp any time between the seventh and tenth days. 

According to our information, the four camps of the medicine woman 
was the rule in olden times and a hundred-willow sweathouse was made at 
each camp. In recent times, but two moves seem to have been made; the 
first day marking the move from the regular home camp to the temporary 
one where the second day is also spent. But one of the hundred-willow 
sweathouses is now made — the one on the third day. Also, where formerly 
they used the ordinary type of sweathouse, at the close of the fourth day, 
the men now return to the hundred-willow sweathouse. The time then was 
"when the service berries are ripe", perhaps August, instead of Fourth-of- 
July week, as in recent years. ^ E\-en the fast is much abbreviated, usually 
but of two davs' duration. 



The Vow. 

The most important functionary in the Blackfoot sun dance is a woman, 
known among the whites as the medicine woman, and upon a clear compre- 
hension of her functions and antecedents depends our understanding of the 
ceremony itself. Accordingly, we shall proceed with as complete an exposi- 



1 See Grinnell, George Bird, Black-foot Lodge Tales (New York, 1903), 264, for program. 



232 Anthropological Papers American .}[uscuni nf Xalural HiMory. [Vol. XM, 

tion of her office as the information at hand allows. In the first place, a 
sun (lance cannot occur unless some woman qualifies for the office. On the 
other hand, it was almost inconccivahlc that there should be a summer in 
which such a ([ualification would not he made. This attitude of our inform- 
ants implies that public opinion had sufficient force to call out volunteers 
against their own wills. There was a feeling that an annual sun dance was, 
from a religious and ethical point of view, necessary to the general welfare, 
for which some indi\idual ought to sacrifice personal comfort and property 
to the extent required by custom. As we shall see later, this was no small 
price to pay for a doubtful honor. This feeling was sure to express itself 
in the subtle ways peculiar to Indian society, if need be, to the direct sugges- 
tion of a candidate who in turn felt impelled to come forward as if prompted 
entirely from within. 

As a rule, however, the woman (jualifies by a vow. Oftimes, when a 
member of the family is dangerously ill, one of the women goes out of the 
tipi and raising her eyes to the sun calls upon it that health may be restored 
to the ailing one. In such an appeal she offers to make gifts to the sun, 
usually specifying that she will sacrifice a piece of cloth, a dress, a robe, an 
ax, etc., which are after a time, provided the sick one improves, hung in 
trees or deposited upon a hill. Such appeals are still made with great 
frequency. It is believed that unless the woman has been industrious, 
truthful, and above all, true to her marriage vows, her appeal will not be 
answered. Sometimes, when the woman addresses the sun she promises 
to be the medicine woman at the next sun dance. She herself may be ill 
and promise such a sacrifice in case she receives help. , Again, she may, out 
of gratitude for the satisfactory way in which her prayers have been an- 
swered, announce her intention to take this step. In such a case, a formal 
announcement is made to the sun. In company with a man, usually a 
meilicineman experienced in the ceremonies, she steps out into the camp, 
where they face the sun whom the man addresses, explaining that as this 
woman asked for help in time of need and that inasmuch as it was granted, 
she in turn promises to l)e the medicine woman at the first opportunity. 
Some such formal announcement is made in every case where the prayers 
have been answered. By this formality, the vow receives public registry. 

As indicated above, the prayers are not always granted. In such cases, 
the promises are not only not binding, but to proceed with the sun dance, 
or to take a secondary part in it, would be to the detriment of all concerned. 
The fault is said to lie in the woman's life and that only the wrath of the sun 
would be invoked by her participation in the ceremonies. 

It may be asked if a man can make such avow. He may and does often 
call uj)()ii tlicsuii, promising gifts of property or even scalps and may jjromise 



191S.] Wisdcr, Bluckfool Sun Dance. 233 

to furnish the material support for a wife, mother, sister, or in fact any woman 
who will come forward to perform the ceremony. Thus, a Blood chief 
once told us that he had been very ill all winter; that he had tried all kinds 
of doctors without relief, until he was stripped of all his property. At last, 
he recovered and then made a vow that with th(> help of his wife he would 
give the sun dance. This he did, hut, as he expressed it, "with great difh- 
culty because he was then poor and did not receive ade([uate help from his 
relatives." 

Again, it must be noted that women who do not feel ecjual to the responsi- 
bility of the medicine woman's office, make a vow to announce publicly their 
virginity or faithfulness to their marriage vows, as the case may be, though 
for an unmarried woman to make such a pledge is the exception. This is 
spoken of as "the going forward to the tongues," the full meaning of which 
will appear later. The manner and occasion of making this \o\x are in most 
respects similar to the preceding. At a certain stage of the sun dance 
proceedings, all the women who made such a promise to the sun, come 
forward and make their statements subject to the challenge of any man 
present. This bears some resemblance to the virginity tests of the Dakota, 
but applies more particularly to married women and marital \irtue than 
otherwise. 

Naturally, the number of women making promises of this kind was much 
greater than for the more important ceremony. Thus, we have a custom 
of calling upon the sun in time of need which is an almost universal practice, 
a more restricted form of such appeal peculiar to women in so far that 
sexual morality is a necessary ciualification, the more specific vow of " going 
forward to the tongues", and the exceptional vow to perform the medicine 
woman's functions at the sun dance, a fair illustration of the way in which 
most complex folk ceremonies are supported by a pyramid of less and less 
differentiated practices. 

In passing, it should be noted that when the vow is made to perform 
the medicine woman's functions, it is literally an obligation to purchase 
a natoas bundle, or if already the owner of a bundle, to perform its ritual.^ 
A woman may own more than one of these bundles at a time; indeed, we 
have heard of a woman purchasing new ones at several successive sun 
dances. This purchase is a fundamental feature in all bundle ceremonies 
to which the sun dance bundle offers no exception. 

On the other hand, the vow means more than the mere purchase of a 
bundle. We are told that the requirement as to virtue holds strictly for the 
vow and the tongue ceremony. A woman can buy a natoas in the ordinary 

1 This series, volume 7, 215. 



234 Anthropological Papers American Mu)^eum of A'adiral Hidory. [Vol. XVI, 

sense and have it transferred with the ritual e^•en though she has not been 
true to her husband. We are reminded that Scal)by-round-robe's wife^ 
was not true to her i'onutT lHisl)and and that when her luisband received a 
])eaver bundle there went with it a natoas and accessories; but that while 
she could use them by virtue of lier relation to a beaver bundle, she was not 
competent to make a \ow and initiate a sun dance.- This is consistent with 
the tradition that the natoas was once bought from a bea-\er bundle by a 
woman who gave the sun dance for that year and used instead of a wreath 
of juniper as in former ceremonies. It also throws some light on the relation 
of the natoas to the beaver and the sun dance rituals. 



Ceremony of the Tongues. 

While it is obvious from the preceding, that the medicine woman takes 
her vow at no fixed period in the year, the order of procedure is such that as 
a rule, she must have taken her vow not later than the spring of the year in 
which the sun dance occurs. There is no absolute prohibition to qualifying 
at a later time, as is often the case at present when the consent of the Indian 
Agent must be obtained before the ceremony is permitted, but the normal 
order seems to be as just stated. Any way, in the spring, the medicine 
woman calls upon her relatives for buffalo tongues (in recent years, those of 
cattle). These are then saved as requested. In passing, it may be noted 
that in all ceremonies, the persons upon whom the burden of responsibility 
falls have not only an inherent right to call upon their blood relatives, but 
these in turn are under obligations to respond. The number of tongues 
required is uncertain, some informants claiming that there should be an 
even hundred, others, that four to five full parfleches was the standard. 
Naturally, in recent years, the number has been much less. These tongues 
are to be sliced, parboiled, and dried like meat. The slices, however, 
must be perfect, without holes, and come from the interior of the tongue. 

The slicing of these tongues appears to have been the first ceremony of 
the cycle. It is conducted l)y a man, usually the father, who formally 
announced the woman's vow and who conducts all the ceremonies in which 



» This series, vol. 2, 8.3. 

2 For cxami)l(', we wore told that some few years ago the wdow of Spotted-eagle took 
the part of the nit^dicine woman and ))orrowefl a natoas from tlie mother of Ciirly-bear. 
Recently '1911), the latter died. Then the former claimed the natoas on the gromids that 
she had paid full value for it at the time and that she had now the most right to it. Curlyr 

bear consented. Then, after an interval, this woman transferred it to the wife of 

who made no vow to give the sun dance, for it was generally knowii that the reputation of the 
new owner permanently disciualifled her for the function of medicine woman. 



191S.] Winder, Bhtckjool Sun Dunce. 235 

the medicine wonuin takes part. Tliere is no stipulation that the same man 
must direct all parts of the ceremony, hut, hy custom, this ofhce is performed 
annually by the same man so long as he is physically capable. To this 
ceremony are called the medicine woman, the women who have promised to 
"go forward to take the tongues", and sometimes those having previously 
performed these functions. 

The manner of formally registering the vow and of collecting the tongues 
is stated as follows: — 

Now the woman who made the vow calls on a man and woman who 
have been through the medicine lodge ceremony to announce it. The man 
and woman come to her tipi and paint her clothes and face and those of 
the relative for whom the vow was made with red paint. Prayers are 
offered for them and a few songs sung. After this, the four stand in front 
of the tipi and the man announces the vow'. He says, " Sun, she is going 
to make a sun lodge for you. I think you and those who are above can 
hear what is said." Then they moxe in turn to the south, west, and north 
side of the tipi, repeating the same words at each stop and finally enter 
the tipi. 

In the spring of the year, when the people run buffalo, the woman has 
her tipi a little towards the front or center. It may be that she is only 
with one of the bands, while the rest are camped elsewhere. Her tipi 
stands alone a little to the west of the others. The people are then notified 
that the tongues are to be given to the woman. Her husband mounts 
his horse and sets out, taking a pipe and tobacco, but no weapons with him. 
^Yhen he finds a man butchering, he sits down on a robe, fills his pipe, prays 
for those present, and smokes with them. The butcher cuts out the tongue, 
wipes it off with sagegrass, and places it near the man, who has spread some 
buffalo dung with sagegrass on top of it in a row before him. The tongues 
are placed on the sage and dung. The man then takes the tongues and rides 
to where the next man is butchering and goes through the same procedure. 
After he has gathered up all the tongues he takes them home. Each time 
buffalo are killed the man rides out to gather in tongues until he has accumu- 
lated a hundred. 

The tongues having been collected, an important ceremony follows with 
their boiling and slicing. An experienced man and woman are invited to 
direct; these are spoken of as the father and the mother. Also, all the 
women having made a vow "to go forward to the tongues" are invited. 
In addition, a number of women and men familiar with the ceremonies are 
called. The woman making the vow (the daughter) and her husl)and (the 
son) sit at the back of the fire; next to the former, sits the mother and then 
the other women; next to the latter, sits the father and then the men in order. 



230 AiUhropologicdl Papers Americati Museuni of Natural History. [Vol. XVI, 

The men sit on the north side and the women on the south. At the proper 
moment, the mother brings in the tongues, passing around to the south side, 
and Uiys them in rows on a halt" rawhide hack of the fire. All the women 
having made vows are now called upon to slice the tongues. Their husbands 
must be present. 

The tongues are slit open and the women are invited to slice and boil 
them. When all the guests are present, one of the tongues is taken and 
{)ainted black on one edge and red on the other, and given to the woman 
who made the vow. The rest of the tongues are handed to the women for 
skinning and slicing; if there were more tongues than women, each was 
given more than one to slice. After all the women have the tongues, 
the Avoman with the painted tongue makes a confession, saying, "Sun, I 
have been true to my husband ever since I have been with him and all my 
life. Help me, for what I say is true. I will skin this tongue without 
cutting a hole in it or cutting my fingers." 

The next woman also makes a confession, and so on. After all have 
confessed, they commence to skin the tongues. As the first woman takes up 
the knife, the song runs: " A sharp thing I have taken; it is powerful." The 
knife is painted, one half red, the other black. Should any of the women 
cut a hole in the tongue skin or cut their fingers, it is a sign that they rriust 
have lied and they are ordered from the tipi. At the outset, each woman 
carefully examines her tongue to see if the skin is perfect. Should a hole be 
found, the tongue is passed to the director who marks it with black paint. 
After the tongues are all skinned and sliced, they are passed back to the 
woman who distributed them and placed in a w^ooden bowl. The skins of 
the tongues are tied in bunches with sinew' so that they can tell to which 
woman the skins belong. 

The skins are to be boiled by two women. Two sticks are given to one 
woman and one to the other. All this time singing is going on. The woman 
who has the two sticks paints them black, while the woman who has the 
other, paints it red. The three sticks are tied together at one end and are 
used as a tripod for hanging the kettle in which the skins of the tongues 
are to l)e boiled. The legs of the tripod, the wooden kettle hook, and all 
other sticks are painted half in red and half in black. Also, the kettle is 
marked with four vertical bands of black and four of red. The four blunt 
sticks for stirring the pot are painted in pairs, red and black. A red and 
black painted stick is slipped through the bail, passed around to the north 
of the tipi, and handed to the two women. During all these movements 
there is praying and singing. The women each take hold of one end of the 
stick and go for water. 

They make four pauses on this journey, each time jjraying to the sun and 



1918.] Witislcr, Blaekjoot Sun Dance. 237 

asserting their marital rectitude and recounting such occasions as they have 
been improperly approached by a man. All this time, the father and his 
assistants sing in the tipi. One of the women takes a cup, makes four 
movements with it and dips the water. At this moment the song runs: — 

" The water that I see. 
Water is sacred." 

On the return, the women make four pauses as before. "When the pail is 
finally within the tipi, incense is l)urned between the fireplace and the 
door and the pail held in the smudge. The father takes up the l)oard upon 
which some of the tongues lie and while holding it up in one hand, shakes 
the cup al)out in the water, meanwhile making a noise like the buffalo, 
finally striking the pail a blow with the cup. Here the song runs: — 

" Buffalo will drink." 

This may be taken as marking one stage of the ceremony. The boiling of 
the tongue is now^ in order. ^Yhen all is ready, the father starts the songs 
in the next series. The two women hook the kettle on the tripods and while 
the kettle is heated, there are other songs and incense burned and the song 
runs : — 

" Where I (buffalo speaking) sit is sacred." 

While the water boils, the director takes up a tongue, holds it above the 
kettle, lowers it slowly, making a noise as if something were drinking. 
After this, the women place the tongues in the kettle and proceed with the 
boiling. Here or elsewhere, songs accompany the ceremonial acts. The 
pot must not boil over. 

When the tongues have cooked, the two women rise and stand by the 
fire as the songs begin. At the proper moment, they remove the kettle 
and place it on the spot where the smudge was made. First, they take 
out the painted tongues and then the others. The father takes up a small 
piece, singing: — 

"Old Man (sun), he wants pemmican. 
He wants to eat. 

Old Woman (moon), she wants back fat. 
She wants to eat. 

Morningstar, he wants broth. 
He wants to eat." 



238 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural History. [Vol. X'S'I, 

Then the painted tongue is passed to the daughter. Now, each of the 
women tears off a bit of the tongue skin and all, hold up the pieces and 
pray. After the prayers, the pieces are placed in the earth and the tongues 
are hung up to dry. First, the rope is taken up and a song sung. The 
woman who made the vow, rises and ties one end of the rope to the tipi 
pole on the north side and the other end to the tipi pole on the south side, 
a little to the west of the fireplace. All the tongues, both painted and un- 
painted, are hung on this rope. 

During all these ceremonies there is no regular smudge. The smudges 
are made with sweetgrass on the grass near the rear of the tipi. The 
tongues are left to hang for two days before they are taken down to be 
cooked. When the tongues have been hung, all return to their homes, the 
women taking the tongue skins with them for their relatives to eat, as 
they are considered to be blessed and supposed to bring good luck. 

After two days, all meet again in the same tipi. The two women who 
w'ent for the w'ater place the tripods over the fire and while songs are sung, 
the pot is passed to them with the red painted sticks. The two women, 
each holding one end of the stick, go for water, praying on the way. ^Yhen 
they return to the tipi a smudge, over which they hold the bucket of water, 
is made betw^een the door and the fireplace. Then the bucket is placed 
beside the smudge. While the others sing, the woman who made the vow 
rises and first takes the painted tongue and then the others from where they 
were hung. They are then placed on a buffalo hide and the woman returns 
to her place. Four women sit down near the tongues; each one takes a 
tongue, one of which is the painted one. Kneeling and swaying their bodies 
in time with the songs, they sing the buft'alo songs. The painted tongue 
is placed in the kettle first and a song is sung: "^Yhen buft'alo go to drink; 
it is powerful. Where buffalo sit is powerful (natojiwa)." Then the rest 
of the tongues are placed in the pot which is hooked on the tripod over the 
fire. Songs are sung and four sticks, al)out the length of the forearm, for 
stirring the tongues, are placed where the tongues were first placed. One 
of the cooks takes a pair of the sticks and stirs the tongues with them. 
When removing the tongues from the kettle they are held between two of 
these sticks. 

Another song, culled the song of rest is sung, antl all rest for a time and 
smoke. When the tongues are cooled, another song is sung, the two cooks 
rise, and taking the pot, place it over the smudge place near the door. 
To the singing of songs, the painted tongue first, and then the others, are 
taken out and j)laccd on lialf a rawhide. The soup is poured into wooden 
bowls and distril)\itcd among those i)resent. No tin cu])s nuist be used 
in drinking this soup. While all sing, the woman who made the vow rises 



1918.] Wissler, Blackfoot Sun Dance. 239 

and first takes the painted tongiu' and then all the others and haiij^s tliciii 
up as before. This ends the eereniony. 

Two days later, the same participants are called together to the same tipi 
and the woman rises and takes first the painted tongue and tlicn the others 
from where they were hung. A parfieche is l)rought and a hufValo song 
sung: " Buft'alo I take. Where T sit is powerful." The painted tongue 
and then the others are placed on the parfieche. Wild peppermint is put 
in with the tongues, the parfieches are tied up and ])laced at the rear of the 
tipi. Sometimes tongues are dried in front of the tipi on a stage made by 
setting up two travois with a lodge pole tied between them. 

The man and woman who lead the ceremony must not have any metal 
about them. Brass.rings, earrings, and all such trinkets must be taken off. 
Nor must there be any kni^■es in the \icinity. Even the knives with which 
the tongues are cut are taken out. No one must spit in front of him, but 
always close to the wall under the beds. If they do, it Mill rain. No water 
is brought into the medicine lodge and when water is brought, it is covered. 
The only time when it is permitted to eat or drink is before sunrise and after 
sunset. They must be given food by the instructors. The prayers in this 
ceremony are prayers for good luck for everyone in the camp. 

This closes the preliminaries to the ceremonies leading to the sun dance 
and may be designated as the cutting of the tongues. As in most other cases, 
there seems to have been considerable variation in this procedure, both 
as to time and order. Certainly, for a number of years, it has been much 
abbreviated. As implied in the program, this ceremony may be performed 
on the first day. The gathering of tongues was dependent upon circinn- 
stances and after the days of the great buffalo drives was a matter of gradual 
accumulation. Thus, it was explained, that by necessity, the "cutting" 
was often repeated, though naturally with less ceremony. 

The parfieches containing tongues are kept in the medicine woman's 
tipi where they are " prayed and sung over" during the first and second days 
of the program. The underlying thotight seems to be that they are conse- 
crated to the sun. 

In the procession of the fotu-th day, the parfieches are carried l)ehind 
the medicine woman by her attendants. In former years, these were the 
women who had promised " to go forward to the tongues." They are present 
at the ceremony in the medicine woman's tipi and may be said to be in 
attendance during the entire fasting period. At the time indicated in the 
program, the parfieches are opened and the women in turn step out with 
some of the dried tongue, face the west, and each holding up a piece, address 
the sun then nearing the horizon. They declare their innocence of adultery, 
as at the time of making the vow and cutting the tongues. They also 



240 AiitlinipoUxjicdl Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVI, 

pray for themselves and their relatives after which they distribute dried 
tongue among them. Finally, there is a general distribution of tongues 
among the people. 

Ho\ve\er, there is another aspect of their appearance at this point. 
The IJlackfoot assume that many women have at one or more periods of their 
lives been invited by a man to commit the offence and that often the occasion 
is one of great temptation or calls for great presence of mind and will power. 
Now, when addressing the sun, if so approached, the woman narrates the 
circumstances, naming the men committing the offence, and recounts the 
manner of her refusal. In naming the ofl'ender, they usually say, " I suppose 
he hears what I say." These women are also subject to challenge of their 
having committed adultery. It will be seen from this that the part they 
take in the ceremony is an ordeal for which most women have little liking 
and one which they will not vmdertake lightly. The Blackfoot, themselves, 
regard it as one of the most solemn occasions in the ceremony. So far 
as we could learn, no one now living was ever present when one of these 
women was challenged, but the naming of men who were guilty of improper 
advances was not unusual. 

A retrospect of the concept of the tongues indicates that the entire 
ceremony, or their association with the medicine woman and those who are 
sexually pure, gives them a potency that may be acquired l)y eating. They 
seem most closely associated with sexual purity since they are less primary 
in the function of the medicine woman than in case of those who "go 
forward," the former l)eing requiretl to possess many virtues, the latter 
but one. While the medicine woman fasts and keeps to her tipi, the others 
do not. 

The Medicine Woman. 

We shall now give our attention to the medicine woman. As pre- 
viously stated, she is in most respects the central figure in the whole cere- 
mony, around whom centers its more serious and solemn aspects. On the 
fifth (hiy, an elaborate ritual is demonstrated in her tijji, culminating in the 
procession to the dancing lodge. To this ritual belongs a medicine bundle 
with accessories, known as the natoas, though the name is primarily that 
of the headdress which the bundle contains. This bundle is transferred in 
the ritualistic way to the medicine woman In' the ceremony and thus becomes 
hers to care for and guard until used again at another sun dance ceremony. 
The ritual and the bundle have been discussed in detail in Volume 7 of this 
series. In addition to the contents of the bundle, there must be a special 
robe of elkskiii, a (hess of the same material, and wristlets of strong elk 



1918.] Wisskr, Blackjonl Sun Dance. 241 

teetli. A new trinois must Ix' i)r()\i(l('(l t'oi- uioxinj;- tlic incdicinc wouimii 
outfit. Sometinu's she licrsclf rides on it. This travois is made l)y iIk- 
past medicine woman, her attenchtnt in the ceremonies. 

As previously stated, tiie natoas ritual in the sim dance has for its 
mythical basis the Elk-woman and tlie Woman-who-married-a-star, though 
Scar-face, Cuts-wood, Otter-woman, and Scabby-round-robc are said to 
have made minor contril)utions. Versions of these myths may be consulted 
in Volume 2, part 1 of this series. The Woman-who-marrierl-a-star is 
crecHted with l^ringing down the fligging-stick and the turnip, together 
with the songs pertaining thereto (p. Gl), also a wreath of juniper formerly 
worn in place of the natoas and the eagle feather worn by the man. 

It is also interesting to note that the Crane-woman who transfers the 
ritualistic attributes of these objects makes a formal declaration of her 
marital virtue. In the case of Elk-woman, we have again the incident 
of the Crane and the digging-stick where it is implied that tiu^ latter symbo- 
lizes the bill of the former. We are informed that many animals were 
present at this transfer, each contributing something to the regalia. We 
also find it suggested that the bunches of feathers, on the natoas represent 
the horns of the elk, the elk robe and elk teeth wristlets further symbolizing 
that animal. In one version of this myth is the antagonistic implication 
that Elk-woman was not quite up to the standard of marital \irtue. In 
the Cuts-wood myth the "going forward to the tongues" is accounted for. 
Scabby-round-robe is credited with adding the necklace and the arrow 
point to the natoas and Otter-woman with the wild cat-tail. 

The following statement of an informant has a bearing upon this point: — 

The natoas is said to have come from the Elk. It was first owned by beaver 
bundle men, but it was the castom for the medicine woman in the sun dance to borrow 
it for her ceremony. This continued for a time, but ultimately the medicine woman 
Iwught it and kept it in a bundle of her own. The feathers on the front of the natoas 
are said to represent the horns of Elk and the plumes at the sides, the leafy top of the 
large turnip. This is the same turnip which the woman who went to the sky land is 
supposed to have dug up. The digging-stick which accompanies the natoas also 
represents the stick with which she did this digging. Some of the songs in the natoas 
ritual speak of little children running about and this refers to the ball-like image on 
the front of the natoas, for this image is stuffed with tobacco seeds, which, as yoxi 
know, are often spoken of as children, or dwarfs (p. 201). The broad band upon 
which the natoas is mounted is said to represent the lizard. All these things, it is 
said, were added to the natoas, one at a time, by some of the beaver men. So it 
came about that we have the natoas as it is. 

Now, as to the story about the Elk giving the Natoas the robe and the wristlets 
used with it. The objection is sometimes made that this first woman who ran away 
from her husband to join the Elk was not si true woman and that the facts are there- 
fore inconsistent with the ideal of the natoas ritual. Yet, some of our jicoplc claim 



242 Anthropological Papers American Mtiscnm of Xatural History. [Vol. XVI, 

that the woman was true and that thougli slie went away with the Elk it was merely 
for the sake of receiving the ritual and that this is evident because in the story it 
tells how she was able to hook down trees by her magical powers and it is not con- 
ceivable that she could do this if she had not been a true woman. 

The ceremonial transfer of the sun dance bundle really begins with the 
fasting of the medicine woman on the first day. Neither she nor her hus- 
band are supposed to eat or drink while the sun is visible, and then but 
sparingly. On the evening before, they are put to bed by the father and 
mother. The mother places the daughter on the south side of the fire and 
the father the son on the north side. They must remain in the same position 
until morning. Before the sun rises the father and mother go to the medi- 
cine woman's tipi, stand by the door and sing. They sing as they formally 
enter, the father raising up the son; the mother, the daughter. The man 
is taken out by the father and the daughter by the mother for the morning 
toilet. When they return a small amount of food is fed to the son and daugh- 
ter, after which the father and mother take a little food and drink. This 
must be before sunrise. During the day the son and especially the daughter 
must sit quietly in their places with bowed heads and eyes cast down. 
She wears a buffalo robe, hair side in, painted red, covering her head as well 
as her body. Her hair is not braided, but hangs down freely except for a 
horizontal band around the head. The hair may be allowed to conceal the 
entire face. 

The daughter must do nothmg for herself. If she wishes to speak it 
must be in almost a whisper in the ear of the mother or other attendant, 
who in turn will announce the import, if necessary. A fire is kept burning 
in the middle of the tipi, the ears are closely drawn around the smoke hole, 
the door closed, and the tipi co\er securely staked down at the edges. 
Though this keeps the temperature high, the medicine woman cannot use 
a fan, but may use the skin of a muskrat to wipe the perspiration from her 
face and hands. 

During the fasting period no noise must be made in the tipi. All the 
attendants must a^•oid unnecessary conversation and speak in a very 
subdued tone; utensils must not be rattled or struck together. Visitors 
may enter, l)ut respectfully and cjuietly. Xo noises should be made in the 
vicinity of tlie medicine tipi and boisterous acts abstained from in all parts 
of the camp circle. If water is brought in the vessel must be covered. No 
one should s])it in the tipi nor do tlie otlier things forbidden at the ceremony 
of tlie tongues. 

Througliout tlic whole j^criod there is a male attendant. He keeps the 
fire ali\e (hiring the night and until cam}) is ni()\ed. He can only start the 
fire with an ember from some other tipi, striking fire in the tipi being strictly 



191S.] • Wisskr, Blnckfool Sun Dance. 243 

prohibited. Pipes can only he li(;lite(l from the hre hy this atteiKhiiit with 
service berry sticks. A bhize must be avoided as much as possible. The 
attendant cuts the tobacco and fills the pipe and \\hen burnt out he inu.st 
empty the ashes into a small hole in the firound near his seat. Everyone is 
expected to sit quietly, leaving- the mo\-in<,f to him. He remains on duty 
during the night also. 

Formerly, the tipi of the medicine woman was moved tliree times, four 
diflFerent camps resulting, the la.st being at its position in the circle for 
the sun dance. As a considerable journey was often necessary to reach tiie 
sun dance site these camps might be far apart. Theoretically, the camp is 
pitched late in the afternoon of each day. At the sun dance a special sweat- 
house ceremony takes place. This will be discussed later. After this the 
evening and greater part of the night are spent by those in attendance at the 
medicine woman's tipi in rehearsing the songs and* instructing the son and 
daughter. 

Like everything else, moving the camp of the medicine woman is a 
formal matter. The tra\ois is made, painted red, and reser^■ed for the 
special use of the medicine woman. AVlien the time for lireaking camp in the 
medicine woman's band arrives, she and her husband are led out and seated 
upon a robe at the west or rear of their tipi, facing in the direction to mo\'e. 
The parfleche of tongues and other paraphernalia are brought out by the 
attending women and put downi beside the couple. The mother directs 
the attending women in taking down the tipi and hitching the horse to the 
travois. The parfleche of tongues is packed on the travois. When all 
is ready, the woman and man are led to their horses and assisted to mount, 
the woman riding the horse to the travois. The father and the son go ahead 
in single fUe, next the mother and the daughter, or medicine woman. They 
pause four times, as songs are sung. After they get some distance out, they 
stop and wait for the camp, now moving for the first time. This procession of 
four always leads, the two men side by side and behind them the two women 
likewise. At noon, when they stop for lunch, the two are again seated 
on a robe, the travois unhooked and laid down before them. Then follows 
the camp some distance behind. The old men form a circle and smoke near 
the pair. 

At this time the father orders one of the men's societies to go forward 
and mark out a camp site. When this spot is reached, tipis are pitched and 
when everything is in place the medicine woman and her husband are taken 
inside. 

On the morning of each day a society is given instructions to make the 
sweathouse at the camping place, a man to get the creeping juniper ami 
another to cut out the smudge place. As the sweathouse procediu'e is a 
distinct ceremony, it will be treated under another head. 



244 Anthropological Papers American Mnseum of Natural History. [\'ol. XVI, 

The following account of the e^•e^iIlg ceremonies in the medicine woman's 
tipi was given hy Red-plume: — 

In the eveiun<r, after sunset, the first sweathouse is made. All those who took 
part in the ceremony before and a few other old men are invited. Tlie man who fills 
the pipes and tends to the smoking during the ceremony remains on duty during the 
whole sun dance ceremonj'. Four-bears is told to tell the mosquito society to sing 
that night in their own tipi which is inside of the circle. This society is to sing the 
sun dance songs, the weather-makers dancing songs, the rest of the people remaining 
quiet through the night. In the medicine lodge they sing until a little before day- 
break. 

The smudge place in the medicine lodge on the first day and for the first sweat- 
house is a square marked in the soft earth with a crescent in the middle of it. It 
is not painted. I'nder the crescent is a dot where the smudge is made. 

^^'hen all the guests are assembled in the tipi the ceremony for the evening begins. 
Food is given to all; the medicine woman and her husband have their meat cut up 
for them. While a song is sung a piece of meat is held over the smudge, four passes 
made with it, and then fed to the man and woman. The same thing is done with 
water. After this they may help themselves to the food. After the meal is over 
the singing begins. The sweetgrass is taken up and a song sung: "Old man, takes 
spring grass. Old woman comes in with her body." Another man takes the smudge 
stick and places a live coal on the smudge place. The singer holds the grass over 
head and then brings it down on the coal. This song is for the morningstar : " Morn- 
ingstar saj's let us have a sweathouse." Seven songs are sung for the sun and moon 
which are spoken of as the old man and old woman. These with the seven sung for 
the morningstar make fourteen sung thus far. 

Since the men have been in the sweathouse where the paint has all washed off, 
five songs are sung to re-paint the man and woman. As the man sings, he takes 
some red earth paint with a ball of fat which he rolls in the palms of his hands. The 
song is: "Old man saj'S red face I take." He makes a streak crosswise on the man's 
forehead, vertically on his cheeks, and across the chin. The entire face is then 
covered with the same red paint. The robe is then taken from the man's shoujders. 
He sings another song as he takes up the sagegrass and brushes one side of the man's 
head, his arm, and then his body. At the same time, the woman is painted on the 
other side of the tipi. Another song is sung and he takes the paint, rubs it in his 
hands, and sings: "This man I am making his body holj'^, powerful." The same 
Avords are sung for the woman. The man's body and robe are then painted. 

When the tongues were first taken in to be sliced, two round buffalo dungs 
together with a ball of sweetgrass were given to the man and woman. They keep 
these to wipe the paint from their hands. A song is sung for the dung. The two 
men and the two women hold their hands over the dung. They make four motions 
with the clo.sed fists and then touch the ground to the southeast, southwest, north- 
west, and northeast of the dung. The ^vords in this song are: "This may help me 
to live long, and help me through Mc\ There is also ])art of a liuffalo dung. The 
smudge stick is taken up, with the song: "Timber I am looking for? Timber 1 have 
found and taken." The two mcii and the two women all grasp the forked stick. 
The}' sing as thej' take up the dung with it and gradually move it up the stick until 
it rests on the fork. Then it is held over the fire. Someone knocks the dung into 
the fire and it is covered with ashes. The song is: "Powerful, I start. Powerful 



1918.1 Wissler, Blarkjool Sun Dance. 24") 

where I sit." To throw tlu> (htiif; off into \hv fire i.s a .si<rii thai eiicniics will he 
conquered. 

Four songs are now sung for tli(> inuskrat skin used 1o wipe the faces of ihe man 
and woman: "Man says, my medicine, I am looking f6r. 1 have found it." Tlie 
skin is taken up. Two songs are sung for the parfieche with tongues in it. It is 
taken up very slowly and the singing continues during all the movements made with 
it. It is held over the smudge and placed to one side, the cords untied, and the 
tongues taken out and distributed to all who are now in t he t i) li. '!"he two medicine- 
men and women also eat. The song when first taking up the parfieche is: "Buffalo 
I am powerfully starting. It is powerful where I sit." When undoing the cords the 
words are: "Buffalo I take some." When the first tongue is taken out, a little 
piece is held up by everyone, prayers are said, the small pieces are placed on the 
ground, and they begin to eat them. 

Seven songs for the eagle tail feather with which the sun is supposed to have 
brushed oH the scar from Scar-face's face and is supposed to be the feather brought 
down from the sun by Scar-face follow: "Old man says, hand me a feather." The 
feather is passed to the man. Another song follows: "Old man says he wants a 
hundred feathers. Old woman wants different kinds of feathers." Seven more 
songs are sung, the words of some of them are: "This man says that above have seen 
me. It is powerful. The ground I see is powerful. Old man, says, white bufi'alo 
robe I want. Old woman, says, Elk I want. Old man sajs, don't fool me. Old 
woman says, don't fool me." The meaning of this is to be sure and give them what 
they ask for, that is, offerings made at the sun dance to the sun, moon, etc. 

Seven songs are sung before they take up the rattles and the rawhide and five 
songs for the raven. At this time, the man takes hold of one of the rattles by tlie 
ball part touching it to the ground, while he holds the end of the handle straight up. 
The raven songs are: "Raven says, bufTalo I am looking for; buffalo I take. The 
wind is our medicine. The brush is our home. Buffalo I take." The man pecks 
the rattle handle with one finger on both sides and crows. Then they begin to beat 
the rattles on the rawhide and shake them in a circle once. 

Now seven songs are sung for the smudge which is made of a species of fungus 
that grows on a kind of willow. The songs: "Old man saj's, all right, may mj' lodge 
be put up. Old woman says, all right may my lodge be put up or built." These 
words mean that the sun and moon are speaking and want the sun dance lodge built 
without any accidents. 

The next songs are for the natoas bundle which is not opened. The songs: 
"Old man comes in, he says, I am looking for my bonnet. I have found it. It 
hears me. It is medicine." The old woman sings and uses the same words in her 
songs. There are six of these bonnet songs. The songs for the badger skin follow: 
"The man above hears me; he is powerful. The ground is m_v home; it is powerful." 
There are four songs for the badger. The badger skin and other things are not 
handled, the songs about them are simply sung. The songs for the natoas are: 
"Old man says I am looking for my bonnet. I have found it : it is powerful." The 
woman then sings a song with the same words, which is followed by a song about the 
stone arrow points on the natoas. There is a song for everything which makes up 
the bonnet which is as follows: the leather band, the blue paint on the band, the 
stuffed weasel skin tied crosswise on the bonnet, the weasel tails hanging from the 
bonnet, two feathers in front, and two behind, two plumes on each side of the bonnet, 
a flint arrow point, a buffalo calf tail, a snipe, and a small doll the head of which is 



246 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVI, 

stuffed with tobacco seed. The song for the doll on the bonnet is: "Children are 
running alumt. They arc running from us. They are running towards us. They 
are boy.'^. They are jtowerful." Tlie man says, "Give me the child," and makes the 
movement of reception. Another song is sung: "Child is crj'ing," and the man 
imitates the crying of a child. The song for the little birds is: "Bird says water is 
my medicine; it is powerful," for the calf tail: "Man says calf tail I want," and for 
the arrow jxiint: "Sharp ])oints are on both sides." Then follows the song for the 
leather band which represents the lizard : "Yonder man, I am angry and mad at you." 
This song of the lizard refers to the prairie dog chief. The blue paint on the band 
represents water and the song for it is: "The blue waters are our medicine." The 
song for the feathers is: "Feathers I want." Another song for the plume on the 
feathers: "Red I want." This closes the evening ceremony. The man and woman 
are put to bed and all go home. 

This is the ceremony after the first sweathouse is made. Three more moves of 
the entire camp and three more sweathouses must be made. The fourth move and 
.sweathouse is where the sun dance takes place. Nowadays, only one sweathouse 
is made for the sim dance. 

It seems that the final camp is marked out by a society laying rocks 
around its bounds, according to which the arriving bands find their proper 
places. 

At the fourth camp and on the fourth day, the natoas bundle is opened, 
or its formal ritual demonstrated. Early in the day another tipi is pitched 
before the medicine tipi and the covers are joined, thus enlarging the 
space and providing for a few spectators. A few men and women are 
invited to assist in the ceremony: the men use the rattles and with the 
women aid in the singing. The father and other men sit on the north side 
of the tipi, the former next the medicine woman's husband; and the other 
women sit on the south side, the mother next to the medicine Avoman. She 
directs the medicine woman and the singing of the other women. The 
ceremony opens at about ten A. M. with the first series of songs in the ritual. 
Three men hold a rattle in each hand, beating them upon the rawhide by 
a vigorous downward forward stroke, the seventh rattle is used by the 
father. 

The ritual of the natoas will be found in \'olume 7, pp. 2L5-220. Nor- 
mally, this ceremony transfers the natoas to the daughter. She may, 
howe\'er, waive the right, in which case the l)undle returns to the former 
owner. Yet, she seems to enjoy all the privileges accorded to one having 
been an owner. 

Theoretically, no one can perform a transfer ceremony without having 
first owned the bundle in question. In case of the natoas, even now, 
a l)eaver owner is regarded as competent to conchict the proceeding, though 
he may never have gone through the rituid with his wife. This is con- 
sistent with the tradition that formerly the natoas was a part of the beaver 



1918.] Whsler, Blackfool Sun Dance. 247 

bundle.' Yet, the conditions here are sHghtly different from those for other 
bundles in that the father must provide or is charged with the responsi- 
bility to see that a natoas is provided. Following the vow, either he or 
the son makes formal application to the owner of a natoas by the usual 
presentation of a pipe.- 

When the daughter begins her fasting, the father has the natoas l)rought 
to her tipi. As a rule, the father's wife owns a natoas. Some informants 
claim that even should the daughter own a natoas, the father must provide 
another. On the other hand, the daughter can select the eligible natoas. 
In any case, the father furnishes the daughter with a dress and an elk robe 
for which he must be paid liberally.^ 

In conclusion, it may be remarked that anyone can make uj) a natoas, 
if he has a dream so directing him; also, if he owned a natoas that was lost 
or otherwise destroyed; if he gave it away, without receiving payment; 
or if it was buried with someone. Having owned a natoas and transferred 
it, he cannot duplicate it; should the new owner lose it, he may, if called 
upon, replace it; likewise, if buried, the surviving husband or \vife could call 
upon him. In all such cases fees are given. When one transfers a medicine 
bundle and has been paid for it, he has no more right to it and cannot 
duplicate it on his own motion. Should one sell the bundle without the 
ceremony of transfer, the ritual remains with him and he can again make up 
the bundle; should one make the transfer and fail to receive the pay, or 
waive the pay, he can make it up again. The relatives of one buried with 
a bundle can call upon a former owner to make it up, after which it must 
be formally transferred to one of them. ]Men were sometimes killed on the 
warpath and their bundles lost; such were replaced as noted above. In 
every case these must be true duplicates; it is only a dream that authorizes 
new creations, or variations, however slight. 

An interesting sidelight is thrown upon the idealized qualities of this 
woman's function by the following narrative: — 

Once while a medicine woman was sleeping in the sacred tipi during 
the fasting, a nephew of her husband stole in and made improper advances. 



1 In former times, the natoas and the medicine woman's costimie were o-mied by a 
beaver man. "When a woman gave a sim dance she gave a horse for their use. .She just 
borrowed them. Later on, a beaver man transferred them, whence they became a separate 
bundle. — Tom Kiyo. 

2 Should the woman already o-mi a natoas and the transferrer (father) own one: the 
woman must say which bundle shall be used. She can use her own, borrow, or piu-chase of 
the transferrer. — Curly-bear. 

3 A Piegan informant comments as follows: The woman can either Iniy or borrow a 
natoas. In the olden times she often borrowed becatise the natoas, the dress, the elk tooth 
wristlets, and the robe were o\^^led by a beaver man"s wife. After a time, however, these 
were transferred to a medicine woman and were thus separated from the beaver bundle. 



248 Anthropolofflcal Papers Amcricnn Museuin of Xatnral History. [Vol. XVI, 

Being a good and true woman, like all others who give the sun dance, 
she spurned him. Next day she told her husband the whole story. He 
was very anj;ry. He was not satisfied with the confession she made, but 
suspected that she must have given the young man some encouragement. 
So when all the medicinemen and women had come into the tipi to rehearse 
the songs as usual, he made a statement of these suspicions and as he had 
two wives, he proposed to haA'e them change places. 

The medicinemen pleaded for the first wife because they believed her 
innocent, but the husband was obdurate. So the second wife was called 
in to take the place. Then the first wife said, "It w^as I who saved this 
man's life when he was ill. I made the vow to give the sun dance and 
he got well. I have suffered much in fasting, all for him. Now' he dis- 
graces me before all the people. But I w'ill put my virtue to a test. If 
I am true, I have already acquired power." 

She filled a pipe, went outside and standing now on the east side of the 
tipi, then on the south, the west, and the north, she addressed the sun. 
The day was clear, but soon after the woman entered the tipi, thunder was 
heard. A storm came down with hail and blew over many tipis. But in 
spite of these proofs, her husband was obdurate and the second wife went 
on wdth the ceremony. 

Not long after the sun dance this same man became ill again. Finally, as 
a last rfsort, he called upon the first wife to save him again. This woman 
told him to call upon the other woman as he seemed to ha^e so much faith in 
her. So he died and was properly punished for so imjustly treating his 
faithful wife. 

The PRocf:ssiON to the Dancing Lodge. 

In our account of the natoas ritual we told how the father, son, etc., 
emerge from their tipi. The file is headed by the father, followed by the 
son, next the mother, then the medicine woman followed by women bearing 
the tongues. The father and the son are muffled in blankets (robes); 
the latter walks with bowed head, leaning heavily on a staff and bearing 
over his head a wild rhubarb stalk. "^ The medicine woman wears the natoas 
on her head, an elkskin (often buckskin) dress and an elkskin robe, with 
the digging-stick on her back. For a staff, she uses one of the smudge sticks. 
The women in her rear bear parflcches containing the tongues, together 
wdth blankets and other ordinary objects. Two or three old men act as 



I Scar-fac(! is said to have made a whistle (fliiKeolct) of such a stallv. Tlie pitli ol' the 
growing plant is sometimes eaten for food. 



1918.] Wisslcr, Blackfoot Sun Dhucc. 249 

conductors, or flankers, keeping- tlic way clear of spectators, etc. The 
procession moves slowly and by stages. The four principal personages 
in it keep their eyes upon the ground. The course is southward past the 
entrance (east side) to the dancing lodge, around the south side, the rear 
of the shelter and entering from the north side. Here the medicine woman 
remains until the dancing lodge is raised at sunset, when she returns to her 
tipi and breaks her fast with berr\' soup. The father and the son go to a 
sweathouse after which their responsibilities also end. During the con- 
tinuance of the ceremonies in the sun lodge, the medicine woman cares 
for the natoas bundle, now her property, until transferred to another, 
but is otherwise free to do as she likes. She usually remains quietly at 
home receiving guests and resting. 

The part of the medicine woman is truly a sacrifice. She and liei- 
husband must pay liberally everyone called upon for ceremonial service 
directly connected with the tongues and the natoas ritual. They must 
also pay a considerable amount of property for the natoas itself. To give 
the ceremony means the sacrifice of all personal property. On the other 
hand, there is compensation, aside from fidfilling the vow. Her relatixes 
are very proud of her since she is so ^•irtuous. She is highly respected by 
her husband and family. In a measiu'e those who "take the tongues" 
are also respected. The medicine woman may act as the mother in a future 
sun dance for which she will receive presents and she may eventually 
realize something l\v transferring the natoas to another. Should anything 
go wrong during the ceremony, the weather be unfavorable, etc., people 
will look with suspicion upon her and say she must have lied in her confession 
to the sun. Should she become ill or have deaths in the family, the same 
charge will be made. 

The Offerings of Cloth. After the procession headed by the father and 
he is in position at the west side of the dancing lodge, offerings of cloth 
and clothing are brought up by the people. A man making such an offer- 
ing hands the father a filled pipe and the cloth. The father holds the 
pipe and offers prayers for the gi^■er and lights and passes the pipe to other 
old men sitting around. The cloth he lays in a pile. Then he paints the 
giver: first the face is smeared over with red, then black spots are daubed 
on the cheeks, nose, forehead, and chin, four in all. A black circle is marked 
around each wa-ist. Women Ijringing offerings and pipes go to the mother 
who prays for them and paints their faces red with a black spot on the nose 
and a black circle around the face. There is also a black circle around 
each wrist. 



250 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVI, 



The Ht'xdked-Willow Sweathouse. 

As stated before, a sweatliouse of special form is constructed on the 
third day. This is said to have originated with Scar-face, it being the house 
into which he was taken by the sun. About the middle of the day a society 
is sent out for the willows. These were usually those of the younger men; 
the pigeons and mosquitoes. There is a belief, however, that in former 
times only warriors could be sent upon this errand. These persons are 
mounted and return in procession, singing and circling the medicine woman's 
tipi in the direction of the sun, and deposit their willows at the west side 
of the camp circle. They must not drink water while on this duty. 

An older society is called to build the sweathouse. They must not 
drink water while engaged in this operation and receive some of the tongues 
after the ceremonies of the fourth day. Formerly, these men must have 
had a coup to their credit as a qualification and some informants claim that 
the sum total for the society should have totalled at least one hundred, 
the number of willows. The work begins some time before sunset by which 
time the sweathouse should be completed. 

The willows are stuck into the ground in an oval and their tops bent 
over and interlocked over the top. The ends point toward the east and the 
west, an opening or door being provided at each. The willows are then 
painted, one side red and the other black. Next, a hole is dug in the center 
of the structure for the heated stones. In the meantime, a small heap of 
stones mixed with firewood has been placed some distance to the east. 
A buffalo skull is painted with red spots on one side and black on the other. 
Sagegrass is thrust into the nose and eye-sockets. Robes are then thrown 
OA-er the willows and all is ready for the procession from the medicine 
woman's tipi. 

The procession from the medicine woman's tipi consists of the father 
and another man experienced in ceremonial affairs, the husl^and, the mother 
and the medicine woman. They approach slowly and by stages, passing 
around the south side of the sweathouse to the north and then to the east or 
entrance. All keep their eyes on the ground. The husband walks with a 
heavy staff; the medicine woman carries the natoas bundle with a smudge 
stick. 

The men enter the sweathouse, while the two women go to the west side 
and sit down facing the east. The medicine woman is on the north side with 
tlic bundle before her. After the men have entered, the fire is lighted and 
some of the attendants (builders of the sweathouse) lift the buffalo skull to 
the top of the sweathouse where it faces the east. Prayers and the usual 



1918.] Wisslcr, Blurkfoot Sun Dance. 251 

sweathouse procedure now follow while the stones iind a pail of water are 
passed in by an attendant. The covers are then drawn dow n and the xajjor 
bath taken. 

After the ceremony the procession returns to the medicine woman's 
tipi. The cover is removed from the sweathouse and the buffalo skull 
placed on top where it remains. 

Should there be more than one medicine woman, another sweathouse 
is made on the east side of the camp circle and the others j^rouped around 
them eciually. 

Since after the sweathouse ceremony there is formal singing in the 
tipi until far into the night, it may be said that during the four days of the 
fast the ceremonies begin with the sweathouse at sundown, while on the 
fifth day the ceremony begins in the morning and ends at sundown. 

To this generalized statement the following account from a Piegan may 
be added:— 

Now, when the first sweathouse is to be made, orders are given in the morning 
to one of the societies to get the willows to make the hundred-willow sweathouse. 
Another man is to get the creeping juniper to use in the smudge i)lace in the medicine 
lodge, and still another is to cut out the smudge place. The moves are short. The 
people all move camp, as before, and the society goes on ahead and stakes out the 
camping ground. When the tipis are pitched at the new camping ground, the 
society comes in with the willows and the rocks for the sweathouse. They circle 
once around to the right of the lodges and stop outside of the circle, west of the medi- 
cine lodge. They must neither eat nor drink while building the sweathouse. They 
gather wood from among the tipis until they have enough to heat the rocks. Robes 
for covering the sweathouse are borrowed from the people of the camp. One man 
goes to the medicine lodge and digs out the smudge place. 

When the sweathouse is ready for the medicinemen, four of the men who helped 
in the construction go and inform the men and women. They carry the parfleche 
with the tongues in it on a robe, each man holding a corner. The two medicine- 
men take the lead, the two women follow, then come the four men with the parfleche. 
Four stops are made before they reach the sweathouse. The instructor leads, 
and is followed in single file by the other man, and the two women walking very 
slowly and singing. They march once around the sweathouse in the direction of the 
sun. The other old men who are to join them and the two medicinemen go in while 
the two women remain seated on a robe just west of it with the parfleche beside them. 
A smudge is made with sweetgrass, and a crescent-shaped place marked out between 
the square hole and the rear of the sweathouse and live coals are placed on the dot 
in front of the crescent. A song is sung while the smudge stick is taken up and 
a man goes after the coal for the smudge. The sweatgrass is placed on the hve coal 
and the two songs for the smudge are sung: "Spring grass I take. Where I sit is 
powerful." A pipe is handed in and the pipe bowl and stem painted red. The man 
holds the pipe over the smudge and prays for the one who gave it to him and then 
passes it to the last man to his right who lights it and all smoke it. When the pipe 
is all burnt out, the man who blessed it, takes it, and with a red-painted stick loosens 



252 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural History. [Vol. XVI, 

the ashes and emjities some of them on the southeast corner of the square hole in 
the sweathousc, then on the northwest corner, on the northeast, and finally in the 
center. 

After this the bulTalo skull is brought in and the songs of the buffalo sung 
while the same man paints it with black and red dots, the left half black and the 
right half in red. Grass is stuffed into the ej^es and nose of the skull which is 
passed out through the west of the sweathouse and placed on the earth taken out 
of the hole in the sweathouse. An extra buffalo horn wrapped w'ith swamp grass 
is brought in and given to the man who paints it red and sings while doing so: 
"Chiefs of other tribes I want to hook." He throws the horn out and all the men 
of this society who remain near the sweathouse try to catch it. The one who cap- 
tures it is considered hick\- and he is supposed to capture a gun in the next battle 
he witnesses. 

The men in the sweathouse all undress and as they pass their robes and moccasins 
out through the west of the sweathouse and the door, the buffalo songs are sung. 
The two medicinemen only wear a robe and moccasins when they go into the sweat- 
house. While singing, the forked stick is taken up and one of the outsiders goes 
for the heated stones, stopping four times before he brings them in. One of the 
men who is inside takes the stone with two straight sticks and places it on the south- 
east corner of the hole, the same is done with four more stones which are placed on 
the southwest, the northwest, the northea.st corner and the fifth is placed in the 
bottom of the hole at the center. \^Tien a sixth stone is placed in the hole, they are 
all rolled to the bottom of the hole. Water and a horn spoon or wooden bowl is 
brought in. 

A little water is thrown on the stones to wash them, the curtains are lowered, 
and praj'ers to the sun, moon, and stars, and earth begin. In groups of four, sixteen 
medicine lodge songs are sung. The curtains are raised and four more songs are 
<ung; the sweathouse is opened and four songs are sung, until the si.xteen have been 
completed. The two medicinemen go out through the west of the sweathouse 
while the rest go through the door. The men dress, and the parfleche containing 
the tongues is opened and the tongues given to the members of the society who made 
the sweathouse. The medicinemen and women do not eat. After all are provided 
with the tongues a piece is broken off each and w-hile all hold the pieces up a prayer 
is said and the piece of tongue placed on the ground. Then they all begin to eat. 
-Vfter this the robes are all returned to their owners, the buffalo skull placed on top 
of the frame of the sweathouse with the nose pointed towards the east and the medi- 
cinemen and women return in single file while four men follow behind carrying the 
empt\' parfleche. The men who belong to the society may now eat and drink as they 
wish. 



The Daxcixg Lodge. 

The (hiiicing lodge may be said to take its origin on the fourth day, 
hy wliich time the medieine woman has her tipi in place near its site and 
the caiiii) circle has hccii foriiicil. Tn construction, nine forked tree 
trunks about nine feet in height are set in a circle. Across their tops, ex- 
cej)t tlie eastern face, are laid stringers about fifteen feet long of the same 



191S.] If/.s-.s7(/-, Blarkfool Sun Dance. 253 

materiul.' In the cHMitcr, is another forked tree trunk iiiik li lii;;her tlian 
*the other (this we shall call the sun pole) conneeted with each of tlie string- 
ers by a rafter. Green houghs are placed thickly against the outside of the 
lodge. On the inside, at the rear, is a booth screened and roofed with 
boughs. The material is eottonwood. That other woods were occasion- 
ally used, is attested by the fact that a locality is known as " the place of 
sweet pine dancing lodge." 

Some informants claim that in former years each band was required 
to furnish two rafters, a post, a rail, and their f)r()p()rtionate amount of 
boughs. Two rafters were used instead of one as now, each l)an(l fiir- 
nisliing the section opposite their place in the circle. The contradiction 
between the number of bands and the size of the dancing lodge scmmus not 
to have troubled our informants. Now, the young men go out during 
the early part of the fourth day to cut the poles and jjoughs. This is 
done without ceremony. A crier usually rides around the camp circle 
reminding the various bands of their duty. Formerly, the young women 
went out on horseljack to drag in the poles and brush. On this occasion, 
they dressed in the best costumes and vised the finest horse trappings 
obtainable. The men cut the poles and brush, hitching them to the drag 
ropes with their own hanfls. As the procession galloped toward the camp 
circle, the men rode behind, shooting and yelling. In recent years, the 
men bring the material in on wagons without demonstration. 

]Men of some prominence are selected to dig the holes for the posts. 
The posts are erected and the stringers put in place, excepting one on the 
west side nearly opposite the entrance. The rafters are leaned against 
the stringers, ready to be pushed in place and the green boughs piled up 
at convenient places near by. 

The cutting of the sun pole is attended with some ceremony. Some 
informants claim that formerly this was to be carried out by the medicine 
woman's band; others that one of the men's societies was called upon for 



' Obviously, this would make tlie dancing lodge very large. In reply to this objection 
it was said that they were large; that it was necessary to select as a site places where very 
long rafter poles could be cut; that formerly societies and others performed evolutions 
within on horseback. The late Little-plimte is credited -w-ith having introduced the present 
custom of reciting deeds, requiring horses, outside the dancmg lodge. It may be of interest 
to note that the Arapaho also made very large sim dance shelters. 

In 1908 IMr. Duvall measured the dancing lodge. The stui pole stood si.xteen feet from 
the ground to the fork. The posts were eight feet and approximately sixteen feet apart. 
The diameter of the whole was fifty-two feet. The fireplace was east of the sun pole six feet 
and was four feet by two feet and five inches deep. The booth for medicinemen was five 
feet eight inches wide by seven feet six inches deep. The two holes were about a foot for- 
ward from the sod walls, eight inches across and six inches deep. The man who has been 
marking out the site for the lodge during the last few years, begins by selecting the place for 
the Sim pole and stepijing off seven paces as the radius. 



254 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVI, 

this scr^•ice. In any event, they go out as a war party and locate a suitable 
tree. A man with a war record, preferably one haxing struck an enemy 
with an ax, comes forward, takes an ax, paints the blade as he recounts 
some event in which he killed an enemy, and then strikes the tree. Four 
such deeds must be told before the tree can be felled. Then one or two 
men cut the tree as the others stantl around. As the tree begins to fall 
all give the war cry and shoot at its top, then rush up, and tearing off 
branches, wa\'e them in the air as if they were trophies from an enemy. 
Indeed, the whole proceeding, from start to finish, is a mimic attack on an 
enemy. 

The pole is cut to approximate form and taken to the site of the dancing 
lodge. One end is placed on a travois (in recent times on a wagon), while 
the riders assist with their ropes, their horses massed around the travois 
horse. 

The hole for the sun pole is dug without ceremony by relatives of the 
medicine woman. When it is in place, they tie a Innidle of green boughs 
in the fork,^ making everything ready for the raising in the evening. The 
sun pole now lies on the ground with the liutt over the hole and the forked 
end supported by a piece of timber. The fork points to the west. It 
seems that formerly the pole was painted. Just below the fork it was 
circled by two black bands and two red ones beneath these. 



Cutting the Thongs. 

A fresh cowskin (formerly two buffalo hides) is provided that thongs 
may be cut for binding the rafters to the stringers and the objects placed 
on the sun pole. There seems to have been no hunting ceremony for pro- 
^'i(ling this hide and there is now no symbolic hunting. After the medicine 
woman is in the shelter, the ceremony of cutting the thongs takes place. 
If no one volunteers, men are "caught." The men who cut the thongs 
last year may do the "catching" or engage representatives to do it. For- 
merly, this function was exercised by old warriors who had captured enemies 
alive. The "catchers" go (juietly about the camp looking for eligibles. 
■While j)rctending to pass one by without notice, they suddenly lay hold of 
liliii. The \ictim may pull back, but is not allowed to resort to other means 



1 The bundle of boughs is neither spoken of as Jhe thunderbird's ne.st nor given a name 
of any kind; tliough soma old men seemed to know that other tribes so designated it. We 
made diligent inquiry on this point and feel that the al)ove statement is correct. Reference 
to pul)lishcd i)liotograi)lis will show that tlie brush is merely gathered into a bundle and not 
made into the form of a nest as in case of the Crow. 



191S.I Wisslcr, Blcclcfodl Sin, Dance. 2").') 

of resistance. He is tlu-ii led up to the hides neai' the front of the ini'dieinc 
woman's shelter. In former times, four such men were hroiiLi'ht up foi- the 
ceremony. They mnst have coups to their records, otherwise tliey would 
not have been selected. In th(> ceremony of 1904 we observed an attempt 
to "catch" a man on horseback, but the strug<;les of the horse enabled 
him to escape. In former times, the friends of the interested party would 
have gathered around the rear and sides of the horse forcing him forward 
in the lead of the "catcher". This whoh^ catching j)roeeilure is said to 
symbolize the capture of an enemy. 

In order to understand the ceremony that now takes place, it is necessary 
to know that the right to cut the thong is to the HIaekfoot a medicine 
to be transferred for gifts of property as in case of other medicines. The 
men who flicl the cutting in the previous year are to "sell", or transfer, 
this year. It is they who do the " catching", either in person or l)y deputy. 
Should no one be brought forward, those who performed the rite on the 
pre\'ious year must again serve. As soon as a man is caught, his relatives 
are notified; they come out with all kinds of property to support him in the 
transfer. The initiate is brought into the presence of the present owner 
of the right, his hands and face are painted, accompanied by ritualistic 
prayers. While this proceeds, an old man (usually a relative) stands 
somewhat apart and shouts out praise for the initiate. However, this may 
l>e done by a woman, if no man comes forward. A horse and other property 
is then given to the former owner of the right, whence it ceases to be his. 
The deputy "catcher", if there is one, then receives a small present or two 
from the former owner. 

The cutting of the thong then takes place. The new owner of the right, 
standing up by the hide, shouts out his coups. He holds the knife in his 
hand and while pointing in different directions with it, he tells of a war 
decfl. At the end of each tale he makes a pass with the knife as if to cut 
the hide. After four deeds are told, he cuts the hide. For example, he 
may say, " At such a place I captured a horse which gives me the right to 
cut this, etc." If there are other men with the right, they follow in turn. 
After this, the thongs are cut with the assistance of other men and dis- 
tributed at the places where they will be needed. A thong with the tail at- 
tached is used to bind the bunch of boughs to the sun pole, the tail hanging 
down. 

While this ceremony is going on, gifts of flour, beef, etc., made by white 
people are distributed among the old poor people. This is regarded as 
a recent intrusion. 

The following extract from an unpublished version of the Scar-face 
myth accounts for the thong-cutting cereiuony: — 



256 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural Ilislori/. [Yo]. XVI, 

Her husband could tell In- her ej-os that she had been crying and he said, "I 
told you not to dig up that turnip, but nevertheless you have done so. Since you 
are lonesome and wish to return to your jieople, I will take j-ou back." Then Morn- 
ingstar went out and killed some buffalo. After he had skinned all of them he cut 
the hides into long strands, fastened them together, and tied the woman and her 
child to OIK' end and let her down from the sky to where her people were. 

Before she reached the earth, a little sore-eyed boy was lying on his back, looking 
up at the sky and saw a very small object coming down. The boy told the men 
who were playing the wheel gambling game what he saw, but they laughed at him and 
threw dirt in his eyes and said, "You must see the gum on your eyelids or lashes." 
As the falling object came closer others noticed it and when it came among the group 
they knew that it was the woman who was missing from the camp. They untied 
the rawliide strand and noticed that some of the buffalo tails were on the ends of the 
long rope which lay piled up high before them. 

This woman came down with her digging-stick. As she was not a wicked woman 
and only lived with Morningstar as her husband, she gave her digging-stick to the 
medicine lodge woman and the natoas was named for the turnip she dug up. When 
the sun dance was held, this woman told them always to cut up a rawhide into strands 
and tie the posts with them. Also that the center post and the birch on it must 
be tied with them. The tail of the hide is to hang down from the center post. These 
rawhide strands are a representation of the rawhide rope with which this woman was 
let down to the earth. Later, the moose hoofs are tied to this digging-stick. The 
plumes on the natoas are to represent the leaf of the large turnip this woman dug up 
while in the skv. 



Raising the Sun Pole. 

While the hide is being cut, all the woman who made vows to take some 
of the tongues come forward to the parfleche placed near the medicinemen 
and women. Each woman takes one of the tongues and stands with the 
person for whom her vow was made and makes a confession to the sun in 
a loud ^■oice, so all may hear. Then she prays to the sun for the bene- 
ficiary. After all the women have taken their tongues, some of the men 
tie the cloth offerings to the ends of the poles and a buiicli of birch is tied 
between the forks of the center pole. 

The preceding ceremony comes to a close as the sun gets ^•ery low. 
About time for the sun to set, a procession of pole raisers starts from each 
of the four cpiarters of the camp circle. Tipi poles are tied near the small 
ends in i)airs, each i)air carried by two men. The four parties advance 
in unison by four stages and at each pause sing a special song. In the 
last move, they rush upon the sun pole and raise it in place. In the mean- 
time, the father and son go and stand on tlic center pole while their wives 
stand to tlic west. The men make wing movements with their arms toward 
the east. AcconHug to some informants, the medicine woman may make 
booking motions at the pole, to symbolize the mythical Elk-woman. 



1918.] Wissler, Blnckfoot Sun Dance. 2.")7 

Four men are ealled upon to assist the fatlier and son. As the hitter 
stand upon the pole, tliey eneircle and sereen tlieni with their hhmkets 
and join the father in sini;'in,i;'. Tlie s()n<;s eall for <;()()il hick in ciTctin^ the 
(hmeing lodge. The son does not sing. Four songs are sung. At tlie end 
of each the father blows a wliistle while someone shakes the pole. The 
last time they jump off the pole. The son dr()i)s his l)lank('t (some say the 
father also, some add moccasins) painted black as a sun otfering. Another 
blanket is handed him at once. 

As soon as the men leave the pole the advancing rai,sers rush in, raise 
the center pole, put on the rafters, tie them with the rawhide strands and 
place l)rush all around to form the wind-break. This is accompanied by 
inuch shouting, Init without shooting. 

While the sun pole is being raised the daughter and mother stand 
watching it. They pray and make movements with the corners of their 
robes as though steering the rising pole. As it sways' from side to side, 
they gesture as if righting it. 

As soon as the pole is set, the natoas, robe, and moccasins are taken 
off the daughter l)y the mother. She may call on someone to do this 
and pay a gun or a horse for the service. The mother and other attend- 
ants then lead the daughter to her tipi where she resumes her ordinary 
routine. 

The father and son go to a sweathouse where all the paint is washed 
off. This is not the hundred-willow sweathouse and is th'e fifth sweat- 
house, if it were counted. The two men go in and some sagegrass being 
handed to the father, he takes off the feathers tied to the son's hair, the 
hair necklace, and whistle. After the first opening of the sweathouse 
he takes the sagegrass and wipes off the black paint on the son and hands 
out through the west side of the sweathouse the necklace, whistle, and 
feathers which are to be taken home. At the same time, the two women 
are in the ceremonial lodge, the mother caring for the daughter. 

When the men have completed the sweathouse ceremony they go to the 
medicine woman's tipi. The father and his wife wrap up the natoas and 
place it in the badger skin. After this is done, they no longer ha\e to 
eat sparingly. This ends the ceremony of the medicine woman. 

Early the next day she and her husband must obtain the eotton- 
wooJ brush with which the booth for the weather dancers is made. Another 
man digs out the place in the booth, making it the same as the smudge 
place in the medicine woman's tipi, with the sod on three sides and creep- 
ing juniper on top of it. The fireplace is dug out to the west of the center 
post and is made as in the medicine woman's tipi. When going for and 
returning the brush, the woman rides one horse and leads the one dragging 



258 AnthropoliMjicjl F\tpers American Museian of XdturdJ Ilistori/. \\o\. XVI, 

luT tr;i\"()is. While when I lie otlu'i' hnisli was hrouulit in There was iimeli 
shooting' and shoiitiuii', there are now no demonstrations of any kind, 
l)Ut al)sohne silence. 

The Weatiikk Danceks. 

Kiirly on the iil'tli day, a hooth is Iniilt inside the (hincinj; h);lge opposite 
the entrance. A sli<!;ht excavation about six feet sciuare is made over which 
is erected a shelter of green cottonwood l)out>hs, open on the side facing the 
sun pole. Before the middle of the day, a procession of one or more men 
supposed to ha\ (' jjower over the weather, attended hy (h'ummers, proceeds 
hy stages from the medicine woman's tipi to this booth. They pause 
four times and dance, facing alternately the east and the west. They 
hold whistles of bone in their mouths, which are sounded in unison with 
the dancing. The procession is of two transverse lines, the dancers, in 
front, the drumniers and singers behind. A great deal of dancing? is done 
between the entrance to the dancing lodge and the booth. At intervals 
during the day they stand before the booth and dance to the east and west: 
the drummers are now stationed on the south side of the booth where 
women also assemble for the singing. The dancing is chiefly an up and 
down movement produced by flexing the knees, the eyes are directed toward 
the sun and wing-like mo^■enlents of the hands are made in the same direc- 
tion. The dancers wear breechcloth and moccasins and usually a robe 
around the waist. Their faces and l)odies are painted according to their 
own medicines and medicine objects worn on their heads. 

It is stated that there is but one weather dancer, but others may join 
under certain conditions. In practice this seems to amount to there being 
a director or leader in the dance, at least such was the case in 190.3 and 1904. 
In M)()4 the two assistant dancers went to the medicine woman's tipi to 
paint themselves and began their procession from there, while the leader 
approached in a similar maimer from his own tipi, the two forming one 
procession before the east side of the dancing lodge was reached. The 
leading dancer wore a special ceremonial robe, headdress, and several 
medicine objects, which have been described in \'olunie 7 (pp. 98-99). 

These objects and their medicine functions may be regarded as esoteric 
in so far as they are not al)solutely essential to the office of leading dancer. 
Yet, this same individual seems to have jx'rfonned this fimction for a number 
of years. ( lark mentions strings of feathers tied to the finger of this dancer.^ 

In I'.tOl there \\ci-e two assistant dancers. Both wore headdresses 

1 (lark, W I', 'flu Jinluiii Sii/,i Lanuuivji (I'liilailclphia, 1SS.'")),72. 



191.S.] Wissler, niarl.-fu,>t Sun Dana. 2")!) 

somewhat like that of their K'adei-. One was fully (jrcsscfl with a Maiiket 
around his waist; the other was nude to the hclt. The latt<r was painted 
chiefly in red with a circle in l)lue on tlie hack and one on the Ureast. The 
former had a pair of horizontal hues on each cheek, those on the ri<,dit, 
black, on the left, red. 

It is said that formerly these dancers were nude, except for the lirccch- 
cloth and moccasins. The entire body was painted. There seemed to ha\c 
been no fixed painting, but the sun, moon, and stars were usually repre- 
sented. Around the head, they wore a wreath of juniper and bands of 
sagegrass around the neck, wrists, and ankles. 

The weather dancers are not permitted to eat or drink during the day. 
Formerly, they remained in the booth continuously until the evening of 
the fourth day of their dancing; in recent years, they spend the night at 
home and return to the booth in the morning. 

The functions of these dancers are not clearly understood. They seem 
to be held responsible for the weather: i. e., upon them falls the duty of 
preventing rain from interfering with the dancing. Whether they do this 
because they happen to have independent shamanistic powers or whether 
it is a mere fimction of their temporary office in the ceremony, cannot be 
determined. Other medicinemen often attempt to control the weather 
during the days preceding the formal entry into the booth as well as during 
the later days. In 1903 (Piegan) there was a contest between a munber of 
rival metiicinemen some of whom conjured for rain, others for fair weather: 
strange to say, cloud.s would threaten and then pass away during these 
flays, which coincidence was interpreted as proof of e\enly matched powers. 
Several times one of the partisans of fair weather came out near the site 
of the dancing lodge and danced to the sun, hohhng up a small pipe and 
occasionally shouting. He wore no regalia and danced in a different manner 
from that obser^■ed among the weather dancers at the Ijooth. Howe\er, 
the man who led the weather dancers for many years until his death in 
1908, was famous for his control o^•er the weather. Once, it is told, he 
became enraged at the power making the weather bad, shouting out " Now, 
you go ahead, if you want to. I have great power and can stoj) you when 
i will." 

In former times, the dreams of the weather dancers while sleeping in 
the booth were considered of special supernatural significance, since, it 
is said, they were ot rnpporf with the sun. This rapport may account 
for w'hat seems to be one of their chief functions — blessing the people. 
During the days they are in the booth, individuals come to them "to be 
prayed for." They come up and stand before the l)ooth. The dancer 
takes black paint and paints their faces. Then he prays to the sun for their 



2(iO Anthrajmlogical Papers American Museum of Xatiirid Ilistonj. [\o\. XVI, 

welfare. During this part of tlic cereinoiiy the recipient faces the sun. 
Ayain, the medicine-pipes and other rituahstic objects are brought up for 
the daneer to present to the sun. The pipes he holds up with the stems 
towards the sun, whom he addresses at some length, offering him a smoke, 
making requests, etc., after which he smokes the pipe. All the persons 
l)resent are then permitted to put their lips to the pipe from which they 
are supposed to deri\e great benefits. The dancer also receiA-es offerings 
made to the sun. A young man may fill a pipe and approach with his 
offerings. The dancer takes the pipe, smokes, prays, paints the man's 
face, and makes tlie offering. A woman or child may do this; or a whole 
family. Formerly, a great deal of old clothing was offered at this time, 
a custom still practised by the Blood. Also children's moccasins and cloth- 
ing were offered in this way. As they grew out of them they were given 
to the sun to promote well-being. In last analysis, it seems that while 
these dancers are spoken of as weather priests, they are rather sun priests, 
since through them appeals to the sun are made. It should be noted that 
they are regarded as independent of and in no way associated with the 
medicine woman ceremonies or the erection of the (|ancing lodge, but upon 
entrance to the booth, the leading weather dancer is said to become the 
chief and director of all succeeding ceremonies. The length of the cere- 
mony depends entirely upon him and formerly continued as long as he kept 
his place. 

Like other rites this one was bought and sold, l)ut it was usual to continue 
in ownership many years. Anyone could make a vow to dance with the 
weather dancer and join him in his ceremonies, but such vow^s were usually 
mack' by former owners of the rite. When one makes a vow to purchase 
the rite, its owner must sell, howe\'er reluctant he may be. The transfer 
must l)e in the sun dance. It is said that two men once alternately sold 
to each other for many years so that both could appear in CAcry sun dance. 



Dancing. 

The first ceremony of this character is named the cutting-out dance 
fto cut out a hole in a robe). It seems to ha^'c ])een i)erforme(l l)y a society 
atid occurs < ai'ly on the liftli day. Al>()ut foui' or six old men dance in line 
with a rawhide which they hold in front of them, singing and beating time 
on the rawhide with rattles similar to those of the beaver men. The society 
now divides into two ])arties, one ])lacing itself north of the center i)ole, 
and the otlier j)arty standing in line south of the center pole. The two 
parties dance back and forward in front of the pole shooting at it. The 



191S.] Wissler, Blackfool Smi Dance. l>(il 

old men on the west side of (he center pole dance in their ])l;ices. The 
rawhide held in front of theni, hanjis down like an apron. They heat 
time on it, hol(Jin<>; the rawhide in one hand, and the rattles in the other. 
An old man counts deeds and marks out with a knife the fireplace and the 
booth for the weather dancers. These are du"; while the dancing and 
shooting take place. '^ 

The hole, or fire pit, is dug between the sun j)i)le and the entrance to 
the dancing lodge. It is about three feet l)y two and "two hands" deep. 
A warrior is then called to start the fire. Warriors now come forward 
in turn to count their coups. In this a man took a piece of firewood and 
holding it up, called out in a loud voice how he once struck a Sioux, a Snake, 
etc., then placed it in the fire. When he had recounted all \\v gave way to 
the next. Stories are told of men having enough coups to make a fire large 
enough to threaten the destruction of the dancing lodge. We were able 
to confirm the statement of Clark - that the height of the flame as determined 
by a buft'alo tail hanging down was the criterion for determining a great 
warrior. One informant states as follows: — 

There is always a cow tail hanging down from the center post. In 
olden times this was a buffalo tail, to the end of which a l)lackened plume 
was tied. This hangs down OAcr the fireplace which was used at night to 
furnish light for the proceedings. The assembled people were entertained 
by narratives of warriors as they came forward to narrate their deeds; 
each threw a stick on the fire for each deed counted and he whose fire 
blazed high enough to reach the tail was considered a great warrior. It 
was a great honor when a man could tell enough war deeds to scorch the 
tail. All this time there was singing (the cheering songs) and drumming, 
while berry soup was served to all. The persons taking part are designated 
as those "who are about to make the fire." In recent years, this ceremony 
has been performed in a very perfunctory manner. 

After the ceremony, the fire was fed in the ordinary way aufl kept 
going during the greater part of the succeeding days. The origin of this 
dance is often ascribed to Scar-face. 



1 It will be recalled that in the sun dance of the Dakota tyve (p. 1 10) there is a ceremonial 
shooting at the sun pole. Here the shooting takes place in a perfunctory way, while the pole 
is dragged to the sun dance site. Yet, McQuesten claims to have witnessed the driving of 
evil power from the sun lodge at a Blood ceremony in 1912. (" The Sim Dance of the Black- 
feet " Rod and Gun in Canada, March 1912.) As this is not noted in older accoimts and we 
failed to get information as to it. we suspect it to be due to foreign influences, or perhaps the 
author's own interpretation. 

= Clark, ibid., 72. 



2(»2 Aiithrojwlogicnl Papers American Museum of Xatunil Iliatory. [Vol. XVI, 



Society Dances. 

Ill t'ornicr tiiiu's, the succeeding days were apportioned to the men's 
societies (the ikunukats) in the order of tlieir rank, l)eoinning at the lowest.^ 
There seems to have l)een no fixed allotment of time to each, only the order 
of succession l)eing adliered to. The ceremonies were determined chiefly 
by the respective society rituals, though the recounting of deeds in war 
was given grt^it prominence. As a rule, each society closed its ceremonies 
by otVei-iiig parts of its regalia, etc., to the sun, a custom still observed 
})y the Blood (See vol. 11, this series, fig. 19, p. 411). After the highest 
society had completed its function, the leading men of the tribe held a 
kind of a war dance in wliieh coups were recounted. In this dance, again, 
rattles were beaten upon a rawhide. The organizations or persons having 
charge of the flay's ceremonies must furnish the feast and all necessaries. 
The medicine woman and her husband usually repair to the dancing lodge 
each day. The man usually takes his pipe and tobacco and furnishes the 
smoking for the guests who sit around. His wife wears the buckskin dress 
and elk robe, but not the natoas. They sit on the north or right side of 
the booth and merely are spectators. This closes the ceremonies and camp 
is broken. 

The Torture Ceremony. 

The torture feature, especially prominent in the ceremonies of the 
Mandan, Hidatsa, and Dakota, was formerly given a place among the danc- 
in"- lodge ceremonies of the Blackfoot. The information we have seems 
to indicate that this ceremony had not become thoroughly adjusted to 
its place in this series at the time of its prohibition by the T'nited States 
and Canadian governments. The claim is made by some of the Piegan 
that it was borrowed from the Arapaho and was not looked upon with much 
favor. .\s one man expressed it, "None of those taking the cutting lived 
to reach old age." It was said that a few Blackfoot warriors once visited 
the Arapaho at the time of their sun dance where they were put through 
tlie cutting ceremony. According to the Blackfoot mode of thought, this 
means that the medicine rites (and rights) were transferred to them. When 
they returned, they induced others to take the cutting, to whom, of course, 
the rites were transferred. Whether this historical statement is accurate 
or mvthical, we have no means of knowing, l)ut we are inclined to give 



1 This scries, Vol. 11, 3G.5-474. 



191S.] Wisslrr, niiirkfnnt Snn Dr.nrr. 2(i.'; 

it some wciji'ht as cxidcncc. It sct'iiis, liowcxcr, that wafi-iors took tlic 
flitting l)ecause of a vow, siiuiiar to that of the nu'diciiu' woniaii. Soiiic- 
timt's a man dreamed that the sun re(|uired it of him. Tiie gix ingof i)n)j)erty 
and the conditions of the transfer were the same as for "cutting tiie thong," 
though we have no information that "catching" was permitted. Such may, 
however, have been tolerated. 

The men taking the cutting were nude to the belt. Sage was tied 
around the wrists and ankles. The hair hung down, held in jjlacc hy a 
wreath of cedar (some informants say sage). They were painted white. 
Rows of spots in blue extended down the sides of the face, o\ cr the shoulders 
and down the arms. Wavy lines of the same color were also drawn down 
the arms. A circle representing the sun, was made on the breast, also 
upon the chin and probably on the back opposite the one over the heart. 
On the forehead was another circle representing the moon. Other infoi- 
mants say a crescent moon in black was used instead of these circles. 

According to one informant, vows were made to purchase this ceremony 
when ill or in great danger. If the promise brought results, the \'ow was 
fulfilled at the next dance. The supplicant calls upon one having pur- 
chased the rite. They enter the booth of the weather dancers, a blanket 
is held up to shut out the gaze of the others. The transferrer then paints 
the purchaser. He cuts a hole through the skin of the right shoulder, 
over the scapula, and a hole over each breast. A small sharpened stick 
is thrust through each. A shield is hung on the back. Long cords were 
fastened to those on the l)reast, the ends of which were tied fast, high uj) 
to the center pole. The purchaser goes up to the pole, embraces it, and 
cries for a time. Then he backs off, and dancing, throws his weight on 
the ropes. The transferrer jerks the shield from his shoulders and if neces- 
sary, assists him in tearing loose. At once, the purchaser goes out into the 
hills and sleeps in different places to receive power. 

It is said that all who take this ceremony die in a few years, because 
it is equivalent to giving one's self to the sun. Hence, the sun takes them 
for his own. 

The cutting was similar to that described by Catlin and otiier writers as 
observed elsewhere. Some informants say the dancers held whistles in their 
mouths and gazed at the sun as they danced. When all the thongs were 
torn out, some of the lacerated flesh was cut off as an offering to the sun. 

McLean reports the following observations upon this ceremony at a 
Blood sun dance: — 

. . . .The chief attraction to the pale-face is what has been ignorantl.\- ternunl "making 
braves." I desired very much to see this ceremonj' otice, that I miglit know the 



2(i4 AnthropolngicaJ Pnpcn^ American }fnNnim of Xatxral Hislonj. [^'ol. XVI, 

facts from p(M's()nal observation, and diaw my own conclusions after conversing 
with the Indians. 

'I'wo yoimg men having their wliole bodies painted, wearing the loin-cloth only, 
and witli wreaths of leaves around their heads, ankles and wrists, stepped into the 
center of the lodge. A blanket and a pillow w^ere laid on the ground, and one of the 
j'oung men strotclu>d himself upon them. As he lay, an old man came forward 
and stood over him and then in an earnest speech told the people of the brave deeds, 
and noble heart of the j'oung man. In the enumeration of his virtues and noble 
deeds, after each separate statement the musicians beat applause. When the aged 
orator ceased, the young man arose, placed his hands upon the old man's shoulders, 
and drew them downward, as a sign of gratitude for the favorable things said about 
him. He lay down, and four men held him while a fifth made the incisions in his 
breast and back. Two places were marked in each breast denoting the position and 
width of each incision. This being done, the wooden skewers being in readiness, a 
double edged knife was held in the hand, the point touching the flesh, a small piece 
of wood was placed on the under side to receive the point of the knife when it had 
gone through, and the flesh was drawn out the desired length for the knife to pierce. 
A quick pressure and the incision was made, the piece of wood w^as removed, and the 
skewer inserted from the imder-side as the knife was being taken out. When the 
skewer was properly inserted, it was beaten down with the palm of the hand of the 
ojierator, that it might remain firmly in its place. This being done to each breast, 
with a single skewer for each, strong enough to tear away the flesh, and long enough to 
hold the lariats fastened to the top of the sacred pole, a double incision was made on 
the back of the left shoulder, to the skewer of which was fastened an Indian drum. 
The work being pronounced good by the persons engaged in the operation, the young 
man arose, and one of the operators fastened the lariats giving them two or three 
jerks to bring them into position. 

The young man went up to the sacred pole, and while his countenance was exceed- 
ingly pale, and his frame trembling with emotion, threw his arms around it, and 
prayed earnestly for strength to pass successfully through the trying ordeal. His 
prayer ended he moved batikward until the flesh was fully extended, and placing a 
small bone whistle in his mouth, he blew continuously upon it a series of short sharp 
sounds, while he threw himself backward, and danced until the flesh gave way and he 
fell. Previous to his tearing him.self free from the lariats, he seized the drum with 
bot h hands and with a sudden pull tore the flesh on his back, dashing the drum to the 
ground amid the apj)lausc of the people. As he lay on the ground, the operators 
examined his wounds, cut off the flesh that was hanging loosely, and the ceremony 
was at an end. In former years the head of a buffalo was fastened by a rope on the 
back of the person undergoing the l"eat of self-immolation, l)ut now a, drum is used for 
that purpose. 

From two to five ])ersons imdergo this torture every Sun-Dance. Its object 
is military and religious. It admits the j'oung man into the noble band of warriors, 
whereby he gains the esteem of his fellows, and opens up the path to fortune and fame. 
But it is chiefly a religious rite. In a time of sickness, or danger, or in starting upon 
some dangerous expedition, the young man prays to Natos for help, and promises 
to give himself to Natos if his i)rayers are answered. Uj)on his return, when the 
Animal Sun-Dance is held, he fulfills his vow, gives himself to his god, and thus per- 
forms a twofold duty. Of (iourse the ap])lause of the i)eoi)le and the exhibition of 
courage are important factors in this rite, l)ut its chief feature is a religious one. 



1918.] Wisfiler, Black/not Sun Dance. 265 

Instead of being a time of feasting and pleasure, the Sun-Dance is a military and 
religious festival, in connection with which there are occasions for joy, and the feast 
enhances the pleasure. ^ 

It may be well to note that the oll'erin^' of hits of flesh to the sun was 
a general practice not necessarily associated with the sun dance. Many 
comparatively yovmg men now living (1904) bear numerous scars testi- 
fying to such offerings. When in perilous situations a finger would some- 
times be struck oflP with a call upon the sun for helj). Among tlie Uloofj, 
such sacrifice of a finger by women as well as men was coinmon at the sun 
dance." These facts concerning the more general practice of nuitilating 
the body to win the approA'al of the sun suggest that if the cutting ceremony 
is intrusive, it either found on hand a series of analogous customs or brought 
with it a concept that afterwards gave birth to them. It may be observed 
that the form of costume and dance is strikingly like that emjiloyed by the 
present weather dancers. 

Since there seems to be no good published data on tlie sacrificing of 
skin and fingers we append the narrati^'e of Split-ears: — 

Sometimes, when warriors are on an e.xpedition and come in sight of the enemy 
they will sit in a circle while the leader, or the oldest member of the party, offers 
prayers that they may succeed in their undertaking. Then they proceed to offer 
bits of their own skin to the sun. The one who prayed sits down by one of the party, 
takes up a needle or bodkin and a knife, thrusts the fonner under a small section of 
skin and raising it, cuts off a small slice with a knife. This leaves a circular wound 
a quarter of an inch or less in diameter. It is understood that the operator pulls 
the skin up with the needle and slices off a small section underneath that instrument. 
He then takes up some black paint and dips the bit of skin into it. Then he holds 
it up to the sun and prays for the success of his victim. The bit of skin is then 
placed upon a piece of cloth and another is removed from the victim in the same 
manner and so the operator goes to each of the party in turn, each time removing 
a piece of skin, dipping it in black paint, and holding it up in a prayer to the sun. 
While each person is e.xpected to give two pieces, they are not limited to the maximinn 
number, some men giving four and some still more. The bits of skin thus collected 
are tied up in one corner of the cloth which is mounted upon a stick wrajjped with 
wild sage, the whole being fastened in a tree or set up on the top of a high hill as the 



1 McLean, John, "The Blackfoot Sim Dance" (Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, 
third series, vol. 6, Toronto, 1888), 23.5-237. 

2 McLean, as an eye-witness to siich a sacrifice, gives the following: — 

"As I stood outside the lodge, a young Indian friend of mine, went to an old medicine- 
woman and presented his sacrifice to Natos. Diu-ing the year he had gone on a hors(>-.siealing 
expedition and as is customary on such occasions had prayed to Natos for protection and 
success, offering himself to his god if his prayers were answered. He liad been successful and 
he now presented himself as a sacrifice. The old woman took his hand held it toward the 
Sun and prayed, then laying a finger on a block of wood she severed it with one blow from a 
knife and deer's horn scraper. She held the portion of the fuiger cut oflf toward the Sun and 
dedicated that to him as the young man's sacrifice." (p. 235.) 



2(')() Anlhropoloyicul Papers Aincrican Museum of Xalural History. [\'o\. XVI, 

sun's offering. This sacrifice is always spoken of as feeding the sun with flesh from 
one's own boiiy. The cloth is fastened to the stick in the form of a flag or banner 
so that it waves in the wind with the flesh offerings tied in one corner. This sacrifice 
is considered one of the greatest a man can make. 

Now, as I have said, some men onlj- give two small pieces of skin, while others 
give a great many more, but as they do this each time they go on an expedition, 
it so happens that a man who made many war ex])editions has many small scars 
on his arms and legs. Thus, we can still tell those of our old men who w-ent upon the 
warpath many times in their youth. We can tell by the scars made from feeding 
the sun their own flesh, liut, again, it so happens that men while at home may have 
dreams in which they are commanded to feed tlie sun. Now it is believed that 
unless a man licctls .'^uch a command, he i8 c(>rtain to be visited by misfortune or 




FiK. 1. The Offering of Human Flesh, 
banner. Drawn from a native sketch. 



The bits of flesh are tied in the corner of th<- 



even death, so he always makes haste to coiiii)ly witii tlie command. After such 
a dream he makes a sweathouse and invites in an nld man who ]>iays and makes tlic 
ofi"ering. The procedure here is the same as i)revi()usiy described and the offering 
is made into a banner and i)laced in a tree or upon a hill. Then again, the men who 
are at home in the camp but who have relatives in a war party may so wish for the 
safety of these that they themselves offer bits of skin in their behalf. Thus, you see, 
there are many times when people will offer bits of skin, so that it was not unconnnon 
for a man to have one hundred or more scars upon his body. These are generally 
arranged in rows up and down the arms, down the legs, (hiwii tlie breasts and the 
back. I have even heard of cases where ;i m;»n is said to ha\(' offered one htmdred 
pieces of skin at one time. This, iiowever, was muisual. 

Sometimes, instead of offering skin, I he warrior would ot'f(-r a finger. 'I'hus, 
if beset by very great danger on the Avarpalli a m;iii may in;ikc a vow to the stui 



191S.] Wuskr, Bhickfoot Sun Dance. 267 

stating that if brou'rlit liomc sMt'cly lie will sacrifice a fint.V'r. 'I'liis sacrifice can he 
made at any time; either wlien on the warpath or wlien at home in camp or at the 
sun dance. In such cases, the finger is offered to tlie sun in the jm-cise manner as 
the pieces of skin described above. 

There are, however, occasions upon wliicli fingers are cut off lliat are not offerings 
to the sun. Thus, people who are in mourning sometimes .sacrifice a finger. In 
those cases it is usual to call upon some old woman who is skilled in the amfjutation. 
She cuts off the finger, usually reciting a kind of ritual, but it is not offered to the sun. 
It is simply thrown away. Then again babies" fingers are sometimes cut off to give 
the child good luck. Thus, if a woman lost many children she would call upon an 
old woman to make the sacrifice for her newly born. In this case, the tip end of a 
finger is cut off and wrapped up in a piece of meat which tlir mother is required to 
swallow^ This is supposed to in.sure the child's living to maturity. It had no 
connection with the sun. 

I have told you how men are called upon to cut off pieces of skin and how certain 
old women were selected to amputate fingers. You should also know that in olden 
times there were some women and men who might be called upon to cut open dead 
persons for various reasons. Sometimes they did this on their own account in order 
to get information as to the cause of death. 

These accounts show for one thing that tlie cutting ceremony in the sun 
dance is but one of a type of blood and flesh offerings made to the sun, in 
fulfillment of a vow\ The sacrifice of a finger is more freciuent and less 
specialized, though frequently done at the sun dance. Then comes the 
very frecjiient oftering of bits of skin, a sacrifice common in war raids at all 
times. The oft'ering of bits of skin in the precise manner descril)ed here is 
found elsewhere in the Plains. The writer has obserAcd men so scarred 
among several divisions of the Dakota. The method of rernoAing the skin 
was here the same as followed by the Blackfoot. The thrusting in of the 
awl has a curious similarity to the cutting and skewering in the sun dance; 
one may e\en be pardoned for wondering if it did not so arise. 



Sun Dance Songs. 

Two songs have a special place in the ceremony. They are stmg by 
the men as they ride into camp with the willows for the hundred-willow 
sweathouse. They are sung again when the procession of pole raisers 
moves up to raise the sim pole. Formerly, they were sung by any con- 
siderable body of the tribe approaching the camp of strange Indians. 
Likewise, when they approached a post to open trade. ^ 

Red-plume, a Piegan, has a smudge stick on which are notches said 

' For musical notation see McCIintock, Walter, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends 
and Religion of the Blackfoot Indians (London, 1910), 311. 



26S Anthroi)ological Papers Aiiicricatt Miiscuin of Xdlurul History, [^'ol. XVI, 

to n'presom tlic miiiihcr of dill'tTciit songs used in the ceremonies of the 
medicine woman. Tliere are 41.'! which is said to he the full number of 
songs. These, as has been stated in X'oluiiic 7, are in reality a part of 
the l)ea^'er bundle ritual. 

The singing at the dancing ceremonies after the sun lodge has been 
erectefl is usually confined to the songs of various societies concerned. 
There are, ho\ve\-er, a few with characteristic airs that are regarded as 
])eculiarly a|)pr()priate to the occasion, regardless of who may be dancing. 



The Sun I).\nce Camp. 

In a pre\ious j)aper, we called attention to the belief that the camp 
c-irclc was formed exj)re.ssly for the sun dance. Our informants say that 
formerly the circle was formed by the assemblage of the bands some time 
l)efore tlie medicine woman began her fast. In winter, the tribes scattered 
out, usually two to five bands in a camp, often many miles apart. At the 
approach of summer, the husband of a woman having made a vow to give 
the sun dance sends a man to look up the camps and invite them to join 
his band. He carries tol)acco and presents some to each head man with 
the invitation. As the head men receive the invitation, they order their 
bands to move, forming tlu; circle at the medicine woman's camp. Once 
formed, the circle is not broken until after the sun dance, a period estimated 
at from two to four months. The whole body may move al)out and even 
make long journeys aside from the four ceremonial moves required while 
the medicine woman is fasting, .\fter the sun dance, they split up into 
parties for the fall hunt and finally went into winter quarters. The import 
of our former statement is thus apparent. The suggestion is that the 
camp circle is intimately associated with the sun dance. At least, one 
jjoint is clear, the camp circle is initiated by the woman who starts the 
sun dance and c\cn so is one of the i)n'])aratory steps. 

As pre\iously stated in \'olunic 7 of this series, there is much uncer- 
tainty as to the order of bands in the circle. \Ve doubt if it ever was 
absolutely fixed beyond cliange at I lie will of those in charge of the sun 
dance proceedings. 

M'lriioi.iKiK AL Notes. 

'1 111- wav that sr\(i;il distinct myths are used to accomit for dill'erent 
features of tlie >un d.-incc might be taken as a suggestion that the ceremony 
grew up among the I'.lackfoot . We susi)ect, however, that we ha\e here 
an examijlc of |Kitl(rn jiIk iionicna. Those familiar with the detailed 



1918.] Wifislcr, BUtckJnol Sun Dunce. 2()!) 

study of rituals iu Volume 7 will recall that tradition recognized the ol)vious 
fact that rituals were not produced all at once, but grew hy accretions. 
This is so nuirked in the mythical accounts of ritual origin that we may 
suspect its appearance in the mythology of the sun dance. On page 2-fI 
we haA'e enumerated the myths accounting for important features of the 
ceremony. Among these are not included the parts taken hy societies 
or the cutting sacrifices, they, as we have stated, not being regarded as 
integral parts of the sun dance. 

For the sake of completeness we offer some extracts from an unpublished 
version of the Scar-face myth: — 

We will take up this narrative at the point where Scar Face has killed 
the cranes and reported with their scalps. We are told that had not Scar 
Face killed these birds, they would always have killed people, but that since 
he overpowered them they now fear people and have done so ever since. 

Now, the Sun, the Moon, Scar Face, and Morningstar had a scalp dance wliile 
the Sun and Moon sang the praise songs in honor of Scar Face. The Sun addressed 
Scar Face: "When your people kill enemies they should scalp them and then give 
a scalp dance. Whenever anj'one counts coup or recounts his war experiences, the 
praise songs should be sung." We have followed this custom ever since. Whenever 
anj'one related his war deeds, some old men or old woman sang the praise songs, 
repeating the narrator's name during the singing. 

The Sun was pleased with Scar Face. He directed Morningstar and Scar Face 
to build four sweathouses, standing side by side, with their entrances facing east. 
WTien they were completed, the Sun, Morningstar, and Scar Face entered one of them, 
the Moon remaining outside to close the door. After the Sun had worked over 
Scar Face, he ordered the moon to open the door and they went into the next sweat- 
house, again choosing the moon to be the door attendant. Now, the Sun asked the 
Moon to point out her son. The Moon designated Morningstar. They moved 
into the third sweathouse where the Sun had Morningstar and Scar Face exchange 
seats. Again, the Moon was asked to pick out her son. Though she noticed that 
the scar on the young man's face had disappeared, she pointed to her own son. 
They proceeded to the fourth sweathouse. Again, the Sun had the two men exchange 
places. The Moon looked in and pointing to Scar Face said, "This is Morningstar." 
The Sun replied, "You have mistaken him for Morningstar, the other is our son." 
Ever since that time. Scar Face has always been called Mistaken Morningstar. 

Then the Sun gave Scar Face a buckskin suit decorated with porcupine quills. 
On the breast and back of the shirt were quill-worked rosettes representing the sun; 
the side seams of the leggings and sleeves were covered with strips of quilhvork 
three or four inches wide. In addition, the sleeves and leggings bore hair fringes 
representing the scalps of cranes killed by Scar Face. The Sun also gave Scar Face 
a bow with a lock of hair fastened to one end, a whistle made of a hollow reed, a 
bladder, and the robe worn by Scar Face. To represent the scalping, the Sun painted 
the upper part black. The whistle and the bladder were to be used on the woman 
who had refused Scar Face. The bow too, is a reminder of the killing of the cranes 
and is still used in the sun dance lodge. The Sun gave Scar Face a circle of creeping 
juniper which the women that build the lodge (the sun dance or medicine lodg(>j 
are to wear on their heads. . 



J/lt Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xaiural History. [Vol. XVI, 

The Sun told Scar Face of the sun dance, the lodge, and the sweathouse, and 
added, "When you return to your people and wish to make an offering to me, you 
must first build a sweathouse and there make j'our offerings. Then I will hear your 
prayers and accept them. You may also make offerings to me in the sun dance lodge. 
He covered Scar Face's face with the "seventh" or red paint, drew a black circle 
around his face and a black dot on the bridge of his nose, and a streak of black around 
each wrist. He said to Scar Face, "This is the way the people must paint when they 
make offerings to me in the sun dance lodge. For the victory or scalp dance they 
mu.st paint their faces black." The Sun also gave him a necklace, in the center 
of which were strung two small shells and a pendent lock of hair, flanked on either 
side by four beads. This is the necklace worn by the husband of the woman owning 
the natoas. The Sun's lodge was made of white buffalo robes and some the color 
of beaver skins. The door of the Sun's lodge faced the east. For this reason, tipis 
were always turned so the doors faced east. Now Scar Face decided to return to the 
place where Spider waited. 

The narrative then proceeds in the usual way, except that the hero calls all 
the men of the cam]) to take revenge on the young woman after which he l)y magic 
turns her into a cripple. 



The Blood and North Blackfoot. 

The writer has u])oii two occasions seen the ground where a Blood sun 
dance had been held. The dancing lodge, the sweathouse, etc., were 
still standing and all these were just as noted among the Piegan. The 
Blood lodge was a little larger, but the Piegan said that it was formerly 
so with them, they now having very poor timber to work with. We have in 
addition two l)rief published accounts of eyewitnesses.^ The chief dif- 
ference we could detect was in the secondary dances of the society where 
the Horns and the Matoki '- took a \ cry prominent part. As there are 
now no such organizations among the Piegan, this gives merely an outward 
appearance of dift'erence. 

The Northern Piegan, as may be expected, also had tlu' same form. 
As to the North Blackfoot, we have only the statement of other Indians 
that the sun dance was the same. The Sarsi ^ also had the very same form 
and we may suspect the Kutenai as well. At least, my Piegan informants 
a.sserted that the Kutenai had the sun dance from them. The problem 
here, however, must rest until we have more data, though Hale is of the 
ojjinioii that ttie Blackfoot graihially di-placcd the Kutenai and took over 
man\ i'laiiis traits from them.'* 



' McU-nn. ibi<l.. 2.i\-2:i7: McQucstcn, i6/,/.. IlC.i) 1177. 

-' This scries, volunif 1 1. 410-41.S, 480-43.5. 

' Goddarrl, Fliny Karlc, "Sarsi Texts" (L iiiicr.iily of California Publications in Aimricin 
Arrhaeolofji/ nnd Ethnnloiii). vol. I 1 . no. 3, Berkeley. 1915), 192-195. 

' Hale, H.. "On the North- Western Tribes of Canada " (Report, Fifty-seventh Meeting, 
liritish AsKorialion for the Athnnrement of Sricnrrs. 173-200, London, 1888), 198. 



I r. r» )in 



(Continued from Sd p. of cover.) ' 

Volume XVn. 

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The Cosmo$ Preit, Cambridte. Massaehasetit 



